One of the saddest phenomena of our contemporary situation in Israel is how many people - even shomrei mitzvos - fiercely assert מאי אהנו לן רבנן, thus classifying them as what is says about such people in Maseches Sanhedrin...
Friday, November 6, 2026
Is Hatzibbur Hacharedi - Charedi??
See also here.
Change is in the air in charedi politics.
There is a lot of disappointment among the charedi public with the established charedi parties — Shas, Agudas Yisroel and Degel HaTorah. They are seen by some as outdated, out-of-touch, and having failed to adapt to a post-Oct.7 Israel. Others are disappointed in their failure to even achieve their own goals — a draft law and budgets for charedi institutions. So it perhaps seems that the time is ripe for a challenger.
Three new parties have registered for the election under a charedi banner. Hakahal offers broadly similar policies to the existing parties, but with representatives chosen through primaries. Tzeva Shachor is single-mindedly focused on stopping the arrests of yeshiva bachurim, and achieving the army arrangement that eluded the established parties in the last government. And Motti Leitner’s Hatzibur Haharedi, which has had the most publicity, aims to radically redefine the entire relationship between charedim and the State of Israel. All three are running alone, and as of the final polls, all three are polling at or below 0.3%, a long way off the 3.25% electoral threshold.
Since Hatzibur Haharedi has the most attention and offers the biggest change from the status quo, let’s take a closer look at them. Is it “the party we’ve been waiting for”?
Platform
Their full platform is available on their website, in Hebrew and English.
The theme is “Taking responsibility”. They see it as high time the charedi community became a full, integrated part of the State of Israel, pulling its weight. This is reflected in their positions on army service, education, yeshivos, and the workforce. They are clearly driven by a strong sense of Zionism, that today’s State of Israel is a miracle that needs to be supported, and they want to be a part of it1.
On army service, for instance, they say that everyone who is not “really” learning will need to enlist, and the “real” learners will be protected. On education, they favour creating more ממ”ח schools2 and cutting funding to the מוכש”ר schools3.
And they purport to speak for all charedim (it’s in the name). In interviews they often claim that there’s a silent majority of charedim who agree with their ideas, including many charedi rabbonim and gedolim who are afraid to speak out. In interviews and advertisements, they seem to see the existing charedi parties as the real enemy.
The platform is very strong on what charedim need to give the State, and much less strong on what the State needs to give charedim4, and therein lie two of the problems.
Firstly, why do parties run for the Knesset? Israel, unlike the US or UK, has proportional representation, which means many small parties each looking out for the interests of their voter group. They work together to form coalitions, but each party is quite explicitly fighting for the interests of their group. This can take the form of legislation, budgets, and control of government offices.
Hatzibur Haharedi does not need those things to advance their goals for their voters. If anyone wants to join the Chashmoniam brigade, they can do so today. If anyone wants to send their child to a ממ”ח school, they can do so today. The inescapable conclusion is that they are trying to force their worldview and ideas on the wider charedi community, using the all-too-willing arm of the State. They are not fighting for their voters, they are fighting against other parties’ voters — those who follow gedolei yisrael. They apparently feel they know better for everybody. This is pretty disgusting.
Which brings us to the second issue. The reason the charedi system is the way it is is that there is a war against Torah in the State of Israel. Who would have believed a few years ago that innocent 18-year-old yeshiva bochurim would be snatched from their beds by 10 armed army police officers and thrown into jail for the crime of learning Torah? And that is the tip of the iceberg compared to what the accursed legal system is planning.
And what is Hatzibur Haharedi’s response? “Here’s what we are giving you, korbanos from the charedi community; in return please be nice to us and throw us some crumbs.”
If it sounds reminiscent of Jews abroad denouncing Israel in the hope that the non-Jews will like and accept them — that’s because it is.
The first perek of Bava Metzia talks about a case of two people holding a tallis, arguing over its ownership. If both claim 100% ownership, they get 50% each. If one claims 100% and one claims 50%, the split is 75%/25%. If the enemies of Torah want to wipe out 100% of Torah, and the response is “here, take the boys who are not really learning” — do you really think the other side will roll over and say “ok, sure, the ‘real’ learners can stay learning”?
In a war, you don’t make compromises. After the war is won, we can start to talk about these issues.
I recently had occasion to talk with a very senior figure in Hatzibur Haharedi. I asked him if he believed there was a war against Torah. He said “of course there is, what’s the question?” So I asked why their platform has no mention of the arrests of yeshiva bochurim, or of the Supreme Court, or of Gali Baharav-Miara, the virulently anti-religious Attorney General. Do they not see any of those as issues that need to be dealt with?
The reply was “we’ll add it”. They did not.
If I send someone to the Knesset, I need them to fight against the threatened destruction of the Torah world. I do not have faith that Hatzibur Haharedi are going to fight that fight.
Definition of charedi
Here’s the #3 on their list, Dr. Nechumi Yaffe:
She says: “I don't think what the rabbanim say is true, I have Netflix, but I'm charedi because I like kugel rather than sushi.”
On the Ask Haviv Anything podcast, Rabbi Pfeffer describes being charedi as, “this more wholesome way of life with more stress on family values, and no smartphones for kids.”
Where does the word charedi actually come from? A passuk in Yeshaya 66:5: שִׁמְעוּ דְּבַר־ה’ הַחֲרֵדִים אֶל־דְּבָרוֹ אָמְרוּ אֲחֵיכֶם שֹׂנְאֵיכֶם מְנַדֵּיכֶם לְמַעַן שְׁמִי יִכְבַּד ה’ וְנִרְאֶה בְשִׂמְחַתְכֶם וְהֵם יֵבֹשׁוּ — Listen to the word of G-d, those who tremble (charedim) for His word.
Any definition of charediism that has nothing to do with G-d, Torah and Mitzvos is a complete non-starter, and betrays a fundamental misunderstanding of what we are trying to achieve here as a charedi community.
Who calls the shots?
One of the hallmarks of being charedi is fealty to rabbonim, and charedi political parties are no exception. Hatzibur Haharedi finally released their list of rabbonim after many weeks of stonewalling. Their rabbinical council is led by Rabbi Yehoshua Pfeffer, a former talmid of R’ Osher Weiss שליט”א.5
But who is actually making the decisions? In the letter introducing themselves, the rabbinical council called on the public to vote for the party, but did not give any indication that they are guiding the party’s decisions. In a long-form interview, Rabbi Pfeffer clarified that Motti Leitner has the final say, not the rabbonim.
But is it even him? In an eye-opening interview6, Yisrael Schwebel, who is close to figures in the party, claims that the party donors are really the ones calling the shots. Who are these donors?
This is a matter of public record. The two biggest donors (of loan guarantees) are Shlomo Dovrat (two million shekels) and Daniel Jusidman (one million). Dovrat is a left-wing Kaplanist who was one of the most prominent business voices against the judicial reform. He is not charedi. Jusidman grew up in Hashomer Hatzair, the extremely anti-religious Zionist movement. He has donated to Hillel and to Yotzim Beshinui, organisations that help people going off the derech. He once described visiting one of their centres and feeling repulsed at the sight of the boys wearing kippot, and he has characterized charedim as being “Israel’s number one problem, not Iran”. He supports Avigdor Liberman for Prime Minister, because “he will be strong with the Haredim, and for me that's the number one consideration.”
That’s who the party is funded by, and according to reports, are also calling the shots.
Political alignment
The party claims to be in Netanyahu’s right-wing bloc, and this is what most of their voters want, but are they really?
They have not passed the election threshold in a single poll, ever. They are currently polling at around a tenth of what they would need to get any representation at all. Other parties such as אח”י have recognised the damage they may do to the bloc by wasting votes, and have pulled out. Hatzibur Haharedi have not. It seems the damage to the bloc’s chances, in an election where the other side has said they will ravage Torah life in Eretz Yisrael beyond recognition, simply doesn’t bother them.
As noted above, their main backers are people of the Left.
And their #3, Dr. Yaffe, has repeatedly expressed left-wing sentiments in the past. The party claim that she changed her mind after October 7, but read this interview from a year later and decide for yourselves. Some excerpts:
Sruli Fruchter: Which is more important for Israel: Judaism or democracy?
Nechumi Yaffe: Well, it’s a very good question. I don’t know how to answer it.
Sruli Fruchter: Should Israel be a religious state?
Nechumi Yaffe: Is there any democracy which is religious? […] I think Jewish law just never attended to questions of modern world, so it’s not right.
Read the whole thing.
The Anglo Connection
Looking at the list of both the candidates and the rabbonim, one is struck by how many of them are American or British. On the candidate list #1-3 and #9 are Israeli, #5 is Argentinian, and all the rest are American or from American families. It’s a similar story in the rabbinical council.
There seems to be some kind of White Savior Complex going on here. The Israeli charedim are too backwards to save themselves; they need the Americans to import the American model and show them how it’s done properly.7
Aside from being highly insulting and disrespectful to the Israeli charedi community, which has both been around longer and produced more Torah luminaries and literature than the American one, it’s missing important context.
Chesterton’s Fence tells us that before knocking something down, we need to make sure we know why it was built in the first place, and that that reason no longer applies.
I was fortunate enough, 15 years ago, to attend a conference for chutznik charedim trying to make it in Israel. R’ Ahron Feldman שליט”א spelled out two major ways that Israeli charedim are different to American charedim, and how these two differences explain everything you see or find puzzling.
Number one: the American Torah world grew יש מאין, from nothing — from a country desolate of Torah. Hence, many of the old customs remained, such as summer camps and long vacations. The Israeli Torah world, by contrast, is and sees itself as a continuation of the Torah world in Europe, a long unbroken mesorah, where there is less room for foreign influence.
And number two, the American Torah world has never been under attack. The Israeli Torah world is, and in a war you behave differently. And if this was true 15 years ago, how much more so is it true today.
I would recommend the potential American Saviors take a long hard look at why the differences are the way they are, before attempting to import the American model here.
Interestingly, Rabbi Pfeffer’s own Tzarich Iyun website hosts an article by R’ Eli Spitzer from the days of COVID, describing exactly this phenomenon. He’s right; perhaps they should reread it.
Pulling it together
So this is my list of questions for them. If anyone from the party wants to respond, I will, bli neder, publish their response in full.
Is your main objective to make life better for the charedim who vote for you, or to change those who do not? Or neither, and it’s simply to send a message to the secular - “look, there are some ‘good’ charedim too”?
Elected officials are able to influence the country through legislation, budgets, and control of ministries. But for almost all of your platform, you can do that already, without those things. What can you do from the Knesset to further your objectives, that you can’t do from outside it?
Do you understand why the charedi world today is set up the way it is? Have those reasons gone away? (Chesterton’s fence)
Do you believe that there are elements of the Israeli state that are hostile to Torah? Rather than it being about fairness or army manpower needs?
If yes, do you believe that giving them some of what they want (the non-learners) will placate them, and they’ll let us have the learners stay in learning?
Your platform does not say anything about the current arrests of yeshiva bachurim. What is your position on that?
Your platform does not say anything about the judiciary or deep state. What is your position on them?
Who is a bigger problem for the charedi community in Israel - Yitzchak Goldknopf, or Itzhak Amit and Gali Baharav-Miara?
Will you only call for army service for all non-learners once the suitable tracks are confirmed to be to a satisfactory standard?
How many of your financial backers are people who would not self-identify as charedi? Why do you think that is?
Where does your policy on charedi service differ from that of Likud or Smotrich’s Hatzionut Hadatit?
Do you really believe that the definition of “charedi” has nothing to do with Torah and mitzvos?
If you were to pull out of the race due to low polling numbers, would you recommend people vote for the established charedi parties, on the grounds that at least they will fight for the learners to keep learning? Or instead for a party that is more focused on getting charedim to enlist?
Conclusion
The disappointment with the charedi parties is real. Many people want a change, perhaps a closer relationship with the State.
Obviously anyone considering voting for Hatzibur Haharedi isn’t going to be swayed by arguments along the lines of “the gedolim said not to vote for them”, and I’ve not used those here.
But while the questions may be valid, is the answer really a new party that isn’t bound by its rabbanim, that won’t fight the Deep State for the good of the learners, that is funded by leftists who also fund organisations taking people off the derech, that believes that being charedi means eating kugel, and that is not going to make it into the Knesset?
Sirhan Sirhan And The Democratic Party
On June 5, 1968, Robert Kennedy, just hours after winning the Democratic presidential primary in California and likely on his way to nomination as the Democratic candidate in the upcoming election, was assassinated by Jordanian immigrant Sirhan Sirhan.
Sirhan was reported to have been enraged by Kennedy’s strong support for Israel in the Six Day War of the previous June. The war had been precipitated by the mobilization of Egyptian, Syrian and Jordanian forces under the leadership of Egypt’s military junta head, Gamel Abdul Nasser. Nasser had imposed a blockade on Israel, moved a force of some 100,000 men towards Israel’s border and declared that the time had come to annihilate the Jewish state. Israel, after weeks of international failure to de-escalate the situation, preempted hostilities and emerged victorious.
Robert Kennedy had had more direct involvement with the Jewish state than simply supporting it during and after the June 1967 war. His involvement went back to its birth.
In November 1947, the United Nations had voted to divide what remained of Mandate Palestine into a Jewish and an Arab state. (The British had been given a mandate by the League of Nations in 1922 to oversee creation of a Jewish National Home in the ancestral Jewish homeland; territory that had in recent centuries been part of the Ottoman Empire. Britain was similarly entrusted with a mandate to create an Arab state in what is now Iraq. But the British had separated over 70% of Mandate Palestine - all the land east of the Jordan River - to create yet another Arab state, Transjordan.) The Jews of the Mandate accepted the UN decision, but the Arabs of the Mandate and surrounding Arab nations rejected it, and Palestinian Arabs and infiltrating militias from surrounding states immediately unleashed attacks on the Jews. In April 1948, the Jews were preparing to declare their independence while the armies of five Arab states were preparing to invade to crush the nascent Jewish state and British forces were preparing to leave the following month.
Robert Kennedy arrived in the Mandate in early April 1948, planning to write on the events there for the Boston Post. His dispatches - published in June 1948 - convey the perspectives of both the Arabs and the Jews of the Mandate. He clearly sympathizes with the Jews and their efforts to realize the promise of a state, and he is particularly critical of what he sees as British hostility to the Jews, hostility extending even to British involvement in Arab murders of Jews and a general abetting of the Arab cause. Some have suggested that Kennedy’s sympathies were likely influenced in part by his seeing British anti-Jewish actions as an amalgam of antisemitism and British imperial interests and as very similar to the long history of British anti-Irish policies.
On October 7, 2023, in a move reminiscent of the Palestinian Arab and neighboring Arab states’ agenda in 1947-48, and Nasser’s 1967 mobilizing for a war of annihilation against Israel and rallying allies to join him in the anticipated extermination, Yahya Sinwar, head of Hamas in Gaza, launched an assault on Israel. He urged his patron, Iran, and others of Iran’s client terrorist organizations - Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, Iran-linked Iraqi militias - to join in the hoped-for destruction of the Jewish state. His cadres killed 1,200 Israelis, mostly civilians, often raping, burning alive, torturing and mutilating their victims, and kidnaped 250 additional victims.
But unlike Robert Kennedy’s stances in 1948 and in 1967, stances shared widely at the time by Americans, including Democrats, the response in October 2023, particularly in Democratic bastions such as academia, was widespread, militant support for the perpetrators of the massacre and for their agenda of Israel’s extirpation “from the river to the sea.”
And the anti-Israel bias has infected much of the Democratic leadership. Jew-hatred is purveyed by members of Congress such as Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib, and the anti-Israel agenda has long been pushed by the dozens of Democratic members who make common cause with the Council on American-Islamic Relations - named by the government as an unindicted co-conspirator in the Holy Land Foundation case that resulted in convictions for financing Hamas - and other, similar organizations. Their antisemitism and antizionism now largely define the Democratic delegation’s stance on Israel. Members commonly spout the “genocide” Big Lie of the last three years, vote to withhold arms from Israel as it fights a seven-front war against Iran and its proxies, and seek to end the American-Israeli alliance.
Some complain of the supposed excesses of Israel’s right-wing government. But military experts in America and elsewhere, such as John Spencer, Chair of Urban Warfare Studies at West Point, assert that Israel has done more to protect civilian lives than any other army facing similar military challenges.
It is true that the Israeli electorate has swung more to the Right. But it has done so in response to making repeated efforts to advance peace with the Palestinians and having those efforts elicit only more terror and large-scale murder of Israelis. In the Oslo Process of the 1990’s, Israel allowed establishment of the Palestinian Authority (PA), handed it extensive control over Gaza and much of the West Bank, and offered the PA a state in those areas. But Yasser Arafat rejected the offer, advanced no counter-proposal and instead launched a suicide-bomb terror war that cost over a thousand Israeli lives. The PA continues to use its media, mosques and schools to call for the killing of Israelis and to reward those who act on these exhortations with stipends via its “pay to slay” policy. Its leaders likewise repeatedly assert that they will never recognize the legitimacy of a Jewish state in any of the territory “from the river to the sea.”
Nevertheless, in 2005 Israel unilaterally withdrew its entire presence from Gaza and handed Gaza to the PA, providing Palestinians with an opportunity to turn the territory into another Hong Kong or Singapore. That move toward peace likewise blew up in Israel’s face, with Hamas seizing control of Gaza from the Palestinian Authority in 2007 and launching four wars against Israel even before October 2023. The October 7 massacre came during a truce and while Israel was facilitating the transfer of billions of dollars to Hamas from Qatar and allowing thousands of Gazans to work in Israel, indirectly providing additional funds to Hamas.
Israelis have good reason to trust less in the possibility of peace. While many Israelis long chose to disbelieve the commitment of the PA and Hamas to Israel’s annihilation, and Hamas’s explicit commitment in its charter to the murder of all the world’s Jews as a religious obligation, the translating of those commitments into mass carnage by both the PA and Hamas has disabused most Israelis of their faith in the possibility of peace. The claim by many Democratic leaders that it is arbitrary Israeli policy that is responsible for the Democratic souring on Israel is another Big Lie, as their jaundiced characterization of Israeli policy ignores entirely the reality that Israel faces on the ground.
Yet another Big Lie is the recurrent claim that present hostility to Israel among Democratic Party leaders is not antisemitic. The roots of that hostility lie largely in the capturing of American academia and other Democratic bastions by the Red-Green alliance of antisemitic Far Leftists and Islamists.
The anti-Israel and anti-Jewish tropes so common on campuses are direct reprises of two streams of anti-Israel and anti-Jewish hostility. One is large-scale funding of American Middle East Studies and other departments and promoting of anti-Israel and anti-Jewish indoctrination by foreign financing entities, most prominently Qatar. The other is campus leftist faculty adoption of Soviet anti-Jewish and anti-American propaganda as it evolved in the wake of the 1967 war and the subsequent emergence of the American-Israeli alliance. Critical Race Theory (CRT), so popular on campuses in recent decades, and its action arm of Diversity, Equity, Inclusion (DEI), regurgitate Soviet anti-capitalist and antisemitic formulas in its casting of social relations as a zero sum game and its characterizing of Jews as exploiters of that game. Any group doing well is alleged to be doing so at the unfair expense of others. America is a racist society and its capitalism is built on a racist system. Jews do well in America because they are white and take unfair advantage of white privilege. Israel is cast, absurdly, as a white capitalist colonial enterprise. These propaganda tropes have leached into grade schools - both through generating of anti-Israel and anti-Jewish curricula by university departments and direct funding of such grade school curricula by foreign sources - and into other institutions of the broader society, particularly Democratic aligned institutions.
The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) platform, much of which parrots the anti-capitalist and anti-American memes of the USSR, includes as one of its four foreign policy goals the dissolution of Israel. Eleven DSA devotees ran as Democrats in the November 3 midterm elections. Another DSA member, Zohran Mamdani, was, of course, elected the Democrat mayor of New York.
Qatar, which invests such extensive resources in American educational institutions and in other institutions that shape American opinion, is a supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood and of Hamas, an arm of the Brotherhood. Hamas’s declaration of a religious duty to kill all the world’s Jews is an element of Brotherhood dogma. That dogma asserts the supremacist objective of bringing the entire world under Islamic control. Hamas spokespeople have acknowledged this goal and characterized achieving control of “Palestine” as only a step towards the ultimate objective. The Muslim Brotherhood is the Sunni expression of Muslim supremacism, while the Iranian theocracy’s similar aspirations are the Shi’a version of Muslim supremacism.
Not all Muslims subscribe to the supremacist agenda and its anti-American and anti-Christian as well as anti-Jewish elements, and no doubt many, perhaps most, American Muslims do not. But support for Hamas on American campuses, in American streets and in many American mosques suggest that the agenda has a large constituency in America.
Michigan Democrats nominated Abdul el-Sayed, someone whose family reportedly has extensive connections with the Muslim Brotherhood, as their Senate candidate in the recent midterm voting, and his nomination garnered wide support within the Party. He then prevailed in the subsequent election. El-Sayed has denied any personal affiliation with the Brotherhood, but in 2012 he apparently signed a letter urging the head of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Mohamed Morsi, who had recently risen to the presidency of Egypt, to “purge” the nation’s media and police of opponents of the Brotherhood.
El-Sayed has refused to declare support for Israel’s continued existence, has refused to acknowledge that Israel is a valuable American ally or even that Iran is a greater threat to America than is Israel, and would not condemn the attempt by a Lebanese American to drive a massive suicide bomb into a synagogue housing a Jewish pre-school with over a hundred children. The New York Times observed that, if elected, el-Sayed, “...would be the most anti-Israel U.S. senator since the formation of the Jewish state 78 years ago.” Yet, again, his candidacy won widespread support within the Party. Haley Stevens, who lost to el-Sayed by less than one percentage point in the Democratic primary, announced shortly before the November election that she was switching her support to el-Sayed’s Republican opponent, in part because she could not tolerate his antisemitism and antizionism. She was immediately subjected to unconscionable attacks by Party leaders.
Among those who have campaigned for el-Sayed has been the virtual head of the Party, former president Obama. But Obama has long been a promoter of the Muslim Brotherhood and has long had a jaundiced view of both Israel and America.
Shortly after his inauguration, Obama embarked on an international “apology tour,” seeking to make amends for what he regarded as past American abuses in the international arena. In the Middle East, his support of the Brotherhood led to the overthrow of pro-Western Egyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak and installation in 2012 of the aforementioned Mohamed Morsi. (Mubarak had for many years fended off Western criticism of his authoritarian governance by pointing out that the only alternative to his control of Egypt was the Muslim Brotherhood. But the tack failed to daunt Obama, for whom that alternative was an attraction.) When Egyptian pro-Western military leaders, with popular support, subsequently overthrew the Islamist regime in 2013, Obama condemned the coup.
Obama’s reaction to the October 2023 massacre in Israel was to balance his condemnation with criticism of the Jewish state. He declared on November 5, a month after the slaughter, “...what Hamas did was horrific and there’s no justification for it, and what is also true is that the occupation, and what is happening to Palestinians, is unbearable.” There is no acknowledgment by the former president that Palestinian leaders had repeatedly turned down offers of a state, including in 2000 and 2008, and that both Palestinian leaderships have insisted that they will settle for nothing less than Israel’s destruction.
In addition to his embrace of el-Sayed, Obama’s anti-Israel animus was also recently on display when he asserted, during a visit to Northern Ireland, that Israel, at its founding, “took land off people,” and, “those people understandably said, ‘This is injustice, and I want my land back.’”
Of course, Israel did not take land off the Palestinians at its founding; it took the land it had been granted by the United Nations and the Palestinians could have done the same instead of trying to destroy Israel. But they chose to go to war to seize everything “from the river to the sea,” which had never been theirs, and Obama appears to be lending support to that aspiration. He also says in the interview that for peace to come Israel needs to stop relying on its military strength and make compromises, But it is only Israel that has made compromises, including repeated offers of a Palestinian state, and the Palestinians who have insisted they will settle for nothing less than Israel’s annihilation.
Obama’s ahistorical, anti-Israel and anti-Jewish take on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is what has become the increasingly prevailing “truth” within the Democratic Party, a far cry from the decency embodied in Robert Kennedy’s perspectives and in the Party more generally during the years from his early reporting on Israel until his assassination.
In a Jerusalem Post story of October 8, 2026, Idan Kweller reported that the late Senator Kennedy’s son, Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., posted a statement on X/Twitter in which, “[H]e rejected allegations that Israel is committing genocide in the Gaza Strip and claimed that the accusations were part of a global Muslim Brotherhood propaganda campaign funded by Qatar.”
“‘The Muslim Brotherhood’s Qatari-funded global propaganda campaign makes Joseph Goebbels look like a piker,’ Kennedy wrote. ‘The Genocide charge against Israel is laughable on its face, but it is an effective permission structure for antisemitism.’
“Kennedy went on to argue that antisemitism serves as a tool through which totalitarian systems, including Islamism, can mobilize the masses, build coalitions, and accumulate power.
“’Most of the westerners who parrot this charge are useful idiots deluded by this psyops campaign that hates Jews, Christians, Israel, and the USA pretty equally,’ he wrote.”
The article notes that the post was subsequently removed and that, “Neither Kennedy nor the US Health and Human Services Department has explained its deletion.” But Kennedy is now, of course, Secretary of Health and Human Services in the current Administration and his critique of Qatar may well have elicited concern from Administration officials.
Elsewhere, Kennedy made similar statements in the context of critiquing el-Sayed’s Senate candidacy and his connections with the Muslim Brotherhood. Kennedy’s observations in this vein have elicited sharp criticism from Democrats but are, in their solid foundations, a refreshing light cast upon the antisemitic and antizionist darkness emanating today from his father’s Party.
Sirhan Sirhan has been denied parole seventeen times since his incarceration. Maybe at some point the Democratic Party will champion his release and honor him with the mantle - or, more appropriately, the keffiyeh - of representing what the Party has become.
Thursday, November 5, 2026
The Madreigah of Sarah Imeinu
השאלות על מות שרה וסדר האבלות
הפסוק מספר: "וַיָּבֹא אַבְרָהָם לִסְפֹּד לְשָׂרָה וְלִבְכֹּתָהּ". פרשנים רבים עמדו על סדר הדברים בפסוק:
מדוע ההספד קודם לבכי? הרי הסדר הטבעי וההלכתי (כפי שנפסק במסכת מועד קטן כז ע"ב) קובע: "שלושה ימים לבכי ושבעה ימים להספד" – הבכי תמיד פורץ לפני ההספד המילולי.
מדוע האות כ' במילה "וְלִבְכֹּתָהּ" כתובה בספר התורה כאות זעירה (קטנה)?
כיצד נפטרה שרה? חז"ל (ברש"י שם) מביאים ששרה נפטרה מתוך בשורת העקידה – ברגע ששמעה שבנה כמעט נשחט, "פרחה נשמתה". אך הדבר מעורר תמיהה עמוקה: התורה מעידה ששרה הייתה גדולה מאברהם במדרגת הנבואה ("כל אשר תאמר אליך שרה שמע בקולה", ורש"י פירש שהיה אברהם טפל לה בנביאות). אם אברהם, שהיה נמוך ממנה בנבואה, עמד בציווי בגבורה, בשמחה ובזריזות גמורה – כיצד ייתכן ששרה, הגדולה ממנו, נשברה רגשית עד שנפחה את נשמתה?
עקידת יצחק ותיקון "בַּמָּה אֵדַע"
כדי להבין את גדלותו של אברהם, יש להתבונן במהות העקידה: העקידה היוותה כפרה ותיקון לשאלתו הקודמת של אברהם בברית בין הבתרים: "בַּמָּה אֵדַע כִּי אִירָשֶׁנָּה". באותו מעמד שאל אברהם להוכחה, וכעת בעקידה תיקן זאת בתמימות מוחלטת.
אברהם עמד בפני סתירה לוגית גמורה: מצד אחד הובטח לו בעבר "כִּי בְיִצְחָק יִקָּרֵא לְךָ זָרַע", ומצד שני צווה כעת "וְהַעֲלֵהוּ שָׁם לְעֹלָה" עוד בטרם נולדו ליצחק ילדים. אדם מן השורה היה מתעמת עם הסתירה, אך אברהם הבין שתפיסת האלוקות נעלה מחוקי הזמן והמקום המוגבלים של התבונה האנושית. כשם שה' אמר "זכור" ו"שמור" בדיבור אחד, וכשם שמקום הארון בבית המקדש "אינו מן המידה", כך ביכולתו לקיים את שתי ההבטחות הסותרות בו-זמנית.
אברהם קיים את הציווי באמונה שלמה ובלי שאלות. זכות התמימות הזו היא שהורישה לבניו את הכוח להקדים "נעשה" ל"נשמע". כשאנו תוקעים בשופר בראש השנה, מעלה עלינו הקב"ה כאילו עקדנו את עצמנו – משום שעיקר הניסיון לא היה רק הנכונות לשחוט את הבן האהוב, אלא הנכונות לוותר על כל ההבטחה הנבואית להמשך הזרע מבלי להרהר אחרי מידותיו של ה'.
גדלות זו התבטאה גם כשקרא לו המלאך: "אַל תִּשְׁלַח יָדְךָ אֶל הַנַּעַר". אברהם היה נתון בדבקות כה עזה בציווי המקורי, עד שהיה מסרב לשמוע לקול מלאך הסותר את דברי ה', אלמלא רמז לו המלאך: "התבונן בציווי – ה' אמר לך רק להעלותו לעולה, לא לשחטו". כיוון שנכנס לספק, הכריע להקל בספק נפשות והקריב את האיל במקומו, אך עדיין לבו נקפו ובשרו נעשה חידודין-חידודין מתוך חרדה שמא לא קיים את הציווי כראוי – עד שהוצרך המלאך להישבע לו שנית: "בִּי נִשְׁבַּעְתִּי נְאֻם ה'".
מדרגת שרה: פריחת הנשמה מתוך עוצמת האור
אם זו הייתה מדרגתו של אברהם, מה קרה לשרה? התשובה טמונה בהבנת מנגנון הנבואה וכלות הנפש:
כאשר אדם מרגיש תשוקה או אהבה עצומה לרעיון או דבר אהוב, שאר החושים הפיזיים שלו משתתקים. הוא אינו מרגיש רעב או צמא. במקרים קיצוניים של התגברות התשוקה בנפש, החושים מתבטלים לחלוטין והאדם עלול למות (כפי שמצינו בחז"ל במקרה של מי ש"העלה בליבו טינא" – לא מתוך צער, אלא משום שהחיים הפיזיים אינם יכולים להמשיך כשכל כוחות הנפש מרותקים לנקודה אחת).
הנבואה פועלת בצורה דומה: זוהי הידבקות מוחלטת באלוקים המבטלת את תחושת הגוף. לכן, כל נביא עומד בסכנת חיים בעת הנבואה, וחייב לפעול במתכונת של "רָצוֹא וָשׁוֹב" (או בלשון הקבלה: "מָטֵי וְלָא מָטֵי" – נוגע ואינו נוגע). הנביא מוכרח לחזור אל גופו, כדי שהאור העצום לא יפרק את ה"כלי" (הגוף החומרי). רק משה רבנו זיכך את גופו לחלוטין עד שיכול היה לקבל את האור פנים אל פנים בלי להתבטל.
פטירתה של שרה לא נבעה משברון לב או מחולשה רגשית-אימהית, אלא משיא רוחני עליון: כששמעה שרה על העקידה, נדלקה בה תשוקה ואהבת ה' בעוצמה אדירה כל כך, שכל חושיה הפיזיים התבטלו. אצלה הדבקות לא הייתה במדרגת "רצוא ושוב" (נגיעה ונסיגה), אלא התמסרות טוטאלית. גופה הגשמי פשוט לא יכול היה להכיל אור אלוקי אדיר שכזה – והנשמה פרחה ישירות מתוך מיתת נשיקה והתמזגות מוחלטת במקורה העליון.
ביאור הספד שקודם לבכי וה-כ' הזעירה
מתוך הבנה זו מתבארים שני הדיוקים בפסוק:
מדוע הקדים אברהם להספיד ורק אז לבכות? בכי ספונטני רגיל בימי האבל הראשונים נובע מהתגברות "מידת הדין" והייסורים של הנפטר, שקרוביו חשים בהם בנפשם. אולם אצל שרה, שנפטרה במיתת נשיקה ומתוך דבקות עליונה, לא היה כל מקום לדין או לעונש. לכן לא היה מקום לבכי טבעי שמקורו בצער הנפטר. הבכי על שרה יכול היה לצמוח אך ורק לאחר ההספד – מתוך התבוננות בגודל מעלותיה, בשיעור קומתה הרוחנית ובתהום העמוקה שהותירה אחריה בעולם. לכן בא קודם ההספד ורק בעקבותיו הבכי: "לִסְפֹּד לְשָׂרָה וְלִבְכֹּתָהּ".
סוד ה-כ' הזעירה במילה "וְלִבְכֹּתָהּ": התורה רמזה כאן על אופיה של המיתה – מיתת נשיקה וביטול ה"אור הקטן" (נשמת האדם) בתוך ה"אור הגדול" (האינסוף ברוך הוא). אם מקטינים ומעלימים את האות כ', המילה נקראת "וּלְבַבְתָּהּ" (מלשון "לִבַּבְתִּנִי" – גילוי הלב והתשוקה הפנימית). אברהם בא להספיד את שרה על מעלותיה הגלויות, ולבטא (לְלַבֵּב) את סוד דבקות ליבה הפנימי בה' שגרם לפריחת נשמתה. כיוון שהתורה עוסקת במעשים הגלויים ולא במחשבות הלב הנסתרות הידועות לה' לבדו, נכתב הדבר ברמז עדין דרך האות הזעירה. [עפ"י דברי מרן הגרימ"ח]
The Akeidah as a Tikkun for the Cheit of "Bameh Eida"; The Greatness of the Inyan of the Akeidah; The Essense of Nevuah; The Aspect of Ratzo V’shov; Misat Neshikah by Sarah; Why Hespeid Preceded Bechi.
"And Avraham came to eulogize Sarah and to weep for her." (Bereishis 23:2)
It is well known what the meforshim note regarding the pasuk mentioning the hespeid before the bechi, running contrary to the sugya d’alma (Moed Katan 27b): "Three days for crying and seven days for eulogy," which establishes that weeping precedes the eulogy. So too, one must understand the matter of the diminutive letter kaf (kaf ze’ira) in the word v’livkosah (ולבכֹתה).
In the Midrash cited by Rashi (Bereishis 23:2), it is written that the petirah of Sarah occurred as a result of the report of the Akeidah—that her son had been designated for shechitah, and before they could tell her that he had not been slaughtered, her soul departed (parchah nishmasah) and she died.
The entire matter is astonishing. After all, it is written: "Whatever Sarah tells you, heed her voice" (Bereishis 21:12), on which Rashi comments that Avraham was secondary (tafeil) to Sarah in nevuah. How could Sarah be so overwhelmed by Hashem’s command to sacrifice her son that her soul departed from her? Avraham, who was secondary to her in nevuah, rushed with such remarkable zerizus and joy to fulfill the tzivui Hashem, despite having every intellectual basis to ask: "Yesterday You told me, 'For through Yitzchak shall seed be called to you,' and today You tell me, 'Offer him up to Me as an olah'"! Yet he did not question Hashem’s middos in the slightest, refraining from raising any objection at all.
One may suggest that the inyan of the Akeidah was an atonement (kapparah) for what Avraham had previously asked: "Whereby shall I know that I shall inherit it?" (Bameh eida ki irashenah). In the merit of his holding back from questioning the contradiction between the dibbur of "For through Yitzchak shall seed be called to you" and the command of the Akeidah, he demonstrated absolute emunah that Hashem possesses the capacity to fulfill His word beyond all human comprehension. Even though within our mortal grasp these directives appear diametrically opposed, His perception is infinitely exalted above human intellect—which remains bound within the strictures of time and space. He Who uttered Zachor and Shamor in a single utterance (b'dibur echad) can equally fulfill both of His declarations—that seed will descend through Yitzchak, and to offer him up as an olah before he has ever married or begotten offspring. (This mirrors the chazal that the place of the Aron did not occupy physical space, a principle extensively treated within the hashkafic discourses of the early philosophers).
The merit of this profound temimus stood for his descendants when they preceded Na'aseh to Nishma. Even before they could grasp the underlying rationale or inner essence of the matter, they yearned unconditionally to fulfill the ratzon Hashem. This may illuminate the gemara in Rosh Hashanah (16a): "Hakadosh Baruch Hu said: Blow before Me with a ram’s horn, so that I may remember for you the Akeidah of Yitzchak son of Avraham, and I will account it to you as if you had bound yourselves before Me." We see from this that the zechus of the Akeidah is qualitatively distinct from all other merits: it is considered as if we bound our very selves before Him.
For beyond the magnificent nisayon itself—to submit willingly to the slaughter of his only, beloved son—the fact that Avraham did not raise the slightest query against the original promise constitutes an even more astounding trial. Therefore, this nisayon carries an intimate bearing upon all future generations (yesh lo yechas ba-banim), for he was entirely unconcerned with remaining childless or having the covenantal promises vanish into thin air.
Conversely, when he heard the voice of the malach Hashem declaring, "Do not stretch out your hand against the lad, nor do anything to him" (Bereishis 22:12), it appears that he would not have heeded the angel's word—since it directly contradicted what he had heard from the Almighty Himself—had the malach not specifically hinted: "Nor do anything to him." The angel implied: "Scrutinize the Divine command; He never told you to actually slaughter him, but merely 'bring him up as an offering.'" By doing so, the angel cast Avraham into a state of safek (uncertainty) as to whether this was indeed the true intent. Because matters of life and death mandate leniency (safek nefashos l'hakeil), he substituted the ram in place of Yitzchak. Even so, his conscience struck him with unease (libo nokfo) and his flesh pricked like thorns (b’saro na'aseh alav chidudin chidudin).
It seems this is why, in the second communication, the angel told him: "By Myself have I sworn, says Hashem" (Bereishis 22:16). That is to say: "Harbor no doubt in your heart; I have sworn by My very essence that this is indeed the utterance of Hashem—that you should do nothing to him, and because you have done this thing, I will surely bless you."
With this established, how striking and deeply profound is the apparent contrast between Avraham and Sarah! Sarah, despite being superior to Avraham in nevuah, was shaken to the core upon receiving the tidings to the point that her soul departed.
The explanation lies in the very nature of nevuah. When a person experiences an overwhelming yearning toward something deeply beloved, their somatic faculties cease normal operation. In that state, only the power of interior conceptualization and spiritual imagination remains active; on these wings of inner perception, one ascends until prophetic visions manifest before him.
Even within mundane physical experience, we observe that when a person is gripped by an all-consuming passion for a cherished matter, their senses shut down: they feel neither hunger nor thirst. At times, the intensity of this longing can extinguish life itself—as in the case of one who became dangerously lovesick (he'elah b'libo tina, Sanhedrin 75a). This does not stem from grief over an inability to attain the object of desire; such an individual exhibits neither sadness nor bitterness. Rather, it happens because all sensory forces have converged entirely upon this singular focus, abandoning their physiological duties. A human being cannot survive sustained detachment within a singular focus, and the body gives way.
Everything we observe within physical nature derives from the deeper capacities of the nefesh. The soul possesses the power to tether itself to a single focus—to cleave to the Living God (l'hidaveik b'Elokim Chayim) with such utter totality that all bodily sensations are nullified. This is the authentic reality of prophecy. Consequently, during a vision of nevuah, the prophet stood in profound mortal peril lest the sensory functions shut down completely. For this reason, prophetic communion necessitated the dynamic of ratzo v’shov (running and returning) and mati v’lo mati (reaching yet not reaching), ensuring that the overwhelming influx of spiritual illumination (hispashtus ha-ohr) would not shatter or dissolve the mortal vessel (keli), the physical body.
Herein lies the distinction between the prophecy of Moshe Rabbeinu and that of all other prophets: Moshe’s corporeal frame had been refined to such purity that the Divine light no longer overwhelmed his physical existence, as it says, "And Hashem spoke to Moshe face to face."
This reveals the inner reality of what transpired with Sarah Imeinu. Upon hearing the tidings of the Akeidah, an immense surge of love and transcendent yearning awakened within her heart. Through the sheer intensity of that love, all of her somatic senses dissolved (nisbatlu kol chusheha). Because this spiritual surge did not occur through the regulated rhythm of mati v’lo mati, her soul departed; her material body could no longer contain such an awesome, blinding illumination.
Therefore, the typical dynamic of weeping preceding eulogy did not apply to her. Spontaneous bechi prior to the hespeid stems from the intensification of rigorous judgment (hispashtus ha-dinim) upon the departed, for during the first three days following death, the verdict is especially severe. The relatives intuitively perceive this anguish—af al gav d'inhu lo chazu, mazleihu chazu (even if they do not see it consciously, their heavenly source perceives it)—awakening tears even before any eulogy recounts the person's maalos (virtues) or details the void left behind.
Not so regarding Sarah Imeinu. Her departure was a pristine misat neshikah (death by Divine kiss), her soul soaring to cleave directly unto its primordial Source. In her passing, there was neither trace nor aspect of din or punishment. Consequently, any weeping had to emerge solely from the power of the hespeid itself—from narrating the magnitude of her greatness and calculating the tragic loss the world suffered in her absence. Thus the text precisely records: "To eulogize Sarah and to weep for her"—the tears following as a consequence of the eulogy.
Regarding the small letter kaf in the word v’livkosah (ולבכֹתה): the Torah subtly encodes these profound truths, revealing that Sarah’s passing was through misat neshikah, the complete nullification of the small light before the Infinite Light, blessed be His Name.
All transcendent yearning manifests through the awakening of the heart. Read without the kaf, the word v’livkosah transforms into ולבותה (v’libosah)—alluding to Avraham coming to eulogize Sarah by recounting her general maalos, and specifically to proclaim her extraordinary heart (she-nitlabvah, as in the idiom libavtini), her total deveikus to Hashem through which her soul took flight.
The Torah concealed this through an undersized letter, for such is the way of the Torah: the revealed text underscores tangible, visible actions, whereas the hidden depths of holy thoughts remain known only to Hashem alone. V'havein.
תמיד דבוקים בו
ויהי כמשלש חדשים ויגד ליהודה לאמר זנתה תמר וגו' (לח כד - כו). הנה איתא בכתבי האר"י ז"ל (חמה"י לחנוכה, ע' זח"ג רנט. ומ"ש ע"ז בס' מאיר עיני חכמים שי"ג פ"ב) שעיקר סוף גמר החתימה היא בחנוכה. אם כן נוכל לומר שזה מרומז בפסוקים אלו עד"ז, ויהי כמשלש חדשים, היינו מראש השנה עד חנוכה, שאז עיקר גמר חתימה. על כן בא המקטרג על בני האדם לפני בורא עולמים ברוך הוא, שהוא מרומז בתיבת יהודה (ע' זח"א פט:). לומר זנתה תמר כלתך, היינו כנסת ישראל שדמתה לתמר (שמ"ר לו א), שהיא מכונה בשם כלה (פס"ר פ' לז), זנתה וסרה ממך, והלכה אחר זנונה, ולא די לה בזה שהלכה אחר תאות לבה הרע, אלא שגם היא הרה לזנונים, הרה היא בחינת דביקות, היינו שמעצמה היא דבוקה תמיד בתאותה בלי שום גורם לזה.
ויאמר יהודה, הוא הבורא ב"ה, הוציאוה ותשרף עבור זה, שבלא שום גרמא ומניעה היא הרה לזנונים רק מעצמה היא הרה ודבוקה לתאות לבה הרע. היא מוצאת והיא שלחה אל חמיה לאמר, בהתנצלות של אמת, ששקר ענה השטן בזה שמקטרג על בני האדם שהמה דבוקים בגודל תשוקה לתאוות רעות, כי האמת הוא כך שרק לאיש אשר אלה לו אנכי הרה, פירוש, שאנחנו עמו דבוקים רק בבורא עולמים ב"ה שהוא מקור החסד, וגמטריא אל"ה ל"ו, ומה שאנחנו עושים לפעמים נגד רצון הבורא ב"ה הוא רק מחמת רוב טרדת הזמן וטרדת הפרנסה ושאר מאורעות של בני האדם, אבל באמת בפנימיות הלב דבוקים אנחנו בגודל חיבה ותשוקה רק לבורא עולמים ב"ה.
ותאמר עוד לבורא עולמים ב"ה ראייה אמיתית לזה, הכר נא למי החתמת, מרמז על השמן של נרות חנוכה, שהיה חתם בחותמו של כהן גדול (שבת כא:), והפתילים מרמז על הפתילות של נר חנוכה, והמטה מרמז על הכלי של נר חנוכה, כידוע כי תיבת המט"ה עם הכולל גימטריא כל"י. פירוש, מהמצות נר חנוכה שאנו מקיימים כמצות רצונך הקדוש, היא ראייה מפורשת שאנחנו הולכים רק אחר רצונך, וחשוקים ודבוקים רק בך ולא ח"ו וכו', רק מה שאנחנו עושים לפעמים נגד רצונך הוא רק מחמת הנ"ל. [בת עין]
ויאמר יהודה, הוא הבורא ב"ה, צדקה ממני. כביכול אני חייב בזה (ע' רש"י ז"ל), היינו הבורא ב"ה מודה להם שהמה צודקים, כי אני רואה שהאמת הוא שהמה דבקים רק בי, ומה שהמה עושים לפרקים נגד רצוני ח"ו, הוא רק מחמת כי על כן לא נתתיה לשלה בני, ר"ל תיבת של"ה מרמז על משיח צדקנו, כמאמר הכתוב (בראשית מט י) עד כי יבוא שילה, היינו מחמת שזה זמן רב שלא נתתי ומסרתי אותם לרועה נאמן הוא משיח צדקנו שיבוא במהרה בימינו אמן כן יהי רצון:
כולן שווים לטובה: כוחה של מידת ההשתוות
א. מידת ההשתוות של שרה אמנו
כיצד ייתכן שכל שנותיה היו "שווים לטובה"?
התורה פותחת את פרשתנו במילים:
"וַיִּהְיוּ חַיֵּי שָׂרָה מֵאָה שָׁנָה וְעֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה וְשֶׁבַע שָׁנִים, שְׁנֵי חַיֵּי שָׂרָה" (בראשית כג, א).
ורש"י מדייק על הכפילות בסיום הפסוק: "שני חיי שרה — כולן שווין לטובה".
לכאורה, קביעה זו מעוררת תמיהה עמוקה: כיצד ניתן לומר על חייה של שרה שכולם היו שווים לטובה? הרי שרה עברה תלאות וייסורים רבים:
היא סבלה מעקרות ממושכת עד גיל תשעים.
נאלצה לנדוד עם אברהם בארץ נכר ובגלות.
נלקחה פעמיים בניגוד לרצונה — תחילה לבית פרעה ולאחר מכן לבית אבימלך.
האם שנות סבל ומצוקה כאלו יכולות להיחשב "לטובה"?
שוויון בגישה: קבלת המציאות בהשתוות פנימית
תשובה יסודית לשאלה זו מובאת בספרו של האדמו"ר מאוז'רוב זצ"ל:
הפסוק בתהילים אומר: "שִׁוִּיתִי ה' לְנֶגְדִּי תָמִיד, כִּי מִימִינִי בַּל אֶמּוֹט" (טז, ח). המשמעות היא שעל האדם לדעת שכל מאורע הפוקד אותו מכיל רמז ותכלית בעבודת ה', בבחינת "כֹּל פָּעַל ה' לַמַּעֲנֵהוּ" (משלי טז, ד).
פירוש המילים "שיוויתי ה' לנגדי": גם כאשר משהו מתייצב "לנגדי" — בניגוד מוחלט לרצוני ולתכניותיי — אני משווה ומזהה בו את נוכחות ה'. ברור לי שהדבר נובע מרצונו יתברך, וכי כעת זוהי הדרך שבה עליי לעבוד אותו. כשאדם חי בתודעה כזו, מתקיים בו המשך הפסוק — "כי מימיני בל אמוט": הצד החיובי והטוב שבו לעולם אינו נשבר.
מכאן מתבאר המושג "כולן שווין לטובה":
חיי האדם עוברים תהפוכות ותקופות שונות — ימי הנעורים, הבחרות והזקנה שונים זה מזה בנסיבותיהם ובאתגריהם. אצל שרה אמנו, כל המצבים והתקופות היו שווים בתכליתם: מכולם היא עבדה את ה' — לעתים מתוך יראה, לעתים מתוך אהבה, לעתים בצער ולעתים בשמחה. כפי שנאמר: "צָרָה וְיָגוֹן אֶמְצָא, וּבְשֵׁם ה' אֶקְרָא" (תהילים קטז, ג-ד) — גם ברגעי צרה חיברה שרה את המציאות למקורה האלוהי, וממילא הכול התהפך עבורה לטובה.
החידוש אינו בנסיבות החיצוניות, אלא בעולמה הפנימי של שרה:
השנים עצמן לא היו נטולות כאב, אלא ששרה קיבלה את כל מאורעות חייה בהשתוות גמורה ובשמחה. היא חשה בבירור שכל מה שעובר עליה הוא רצון הבורא, ולכן לא ראתה כל פער ערכי בין הימים המאירים לימים הקשים.
ב. מהותה של מידת ההשתוות
לא רק אמירה מהשפה ולחוץ
מידת ההשתוות דורשת מן האדם לקבל כל מה שעובר עליו מתוך הכרה ברורה שהדבר נועד לטובתו האישית.
חז"ל הורו: "לעולם יהא אדם רגיל לומר: כל דעביד רחמנא לטב עביד" (כל מה שעושה הקב"ה — לטובה הוא עושה; ברכות ס ע"ב). אין מדובר בסיסמה שטחית מן השפה ולחוץ, אלא באמונה מושרשת ועמוקה.
דוגמה הפוכה להיענות פנימית זו מצינו בהמשך הפרשה אצל לבן ובתואל, שאמרו לאליעזר: "מֵה' יָצָא הַדָּבָר, לֹא נוּכַל דַּבֵּר אֵלֶיךָ רַע אוֹ טוֹב" (בראשית כד, נ). לכאורה הם הכירו בכך שהשידוך נקבע משמים, אך בלבם פנימה רצו לעכב ולהתנגד לרצון ה' (כפי שמפרש רש"י שבתואל ביקש למנוע את הנישואין). ההכרה השכלית הייתה קיימת אצלם, אך הלב מיאן להסכים לה.
לעתיד לבוא: גילוי החסד הצרוף
איש ישראל נדרש להאמין באמת שהעובדה שהדבר יצא מאת ה' היא-היא ההוכחה המוחלטת לטובתו.
העולם מושתת על הכלל: "עוֹלָם חֶסֶד יִבָּנֶה" (תהילים פט, ג). כיוון שמטבע הטוב הוא להיטיב, אין בעולמו של הבורא רע אמיתי ואכזרי, אלא שלעתים הטוב מגיע בלבוש מכוסה ונראה לעינינו כפורענות.
מסורת מבית רופשיץ וקמינקא (הובאה בספר היכל שן) מלמדת:
לעתיד לבוא יתגלה שכל הגלגולים, התלאות וקושי הגלות שעברו על עם ישראל היו חסד גמור — עד שיתברר שאפילו הסתרת פנים לא הייתה מעולם, אלא חסדים צרופים ועמוקים שלא ניתן היה לתפוס בעיניים בשר ודם.
זהו גם ביאור דברי הגמרא (פסחים נ ע"ב):
בעולם הזה מברכים על שמועות טובות "הטוב והמטיב" ועל שמועות רעות "דיין האמת", אך לעולם הבא יברכו על הכול "הטוב והמטיב", משום שאז יתגלה הטוב הפנימי שהיה גנוז בתוך המאורעות הקשים.
וכפי שביאר בעל קדושת לוי מברדיטשוב על הפסוק באיכה: "אֶפֶס בִּלְתְּךָ גּוֹאֲלֵנוּ לִימוֹת הַמָּשִׁיחַ" — בימות המשיח יתברר למפרע שכל מאורעות הגלות לא היו אלא הכנה הכרחית ומדויקת לגאולה השלמה.
| מדרגה | עקרון מרכזי | אופי התפיסה | דוגמה בחז"ל |
מדרגה ראשונה: "כל דעביד רחמנא לטב עביד" | התוצאה תהיה טובה | האדם חש שהמאורע הנוכחי קשה וכואב, אך מאמין שבעתיד תצמח ממנו תוצאה חיובית. | רבי עקיבא (ברכות ס ע"ב): כבו הנר, נאכל התרנגול ונטרף החמור — מקרים שנראו כרעה ברורה, אך גרמו לכך שהגייסות שפשטו על העיר לא הבחינו בו, ובזכות זה ניצל. |
מדרגה שנייה (גבוהה יותר): "גם זו לטובה" | העצם עצמו הוא טוב | האדם מאמין שהאירוע בעצמו — ברגע זה ממש — הוא הטוב המוחלט עבורו, ולא רק אמצעי לטובה עתידית. | נחום איש גמזו (תענית כא ע"א): ראה בארגז העפר עצמו מתנה טובה ושלמה, ומתוך אמונתו התהפך המצב לנס גלוי. |
דוגמה מחיי היומיום
אדם ממהר לשדה התעופה או להפלגה, מאחר ומפספס את הנסיעה. באותו רגע לבו נחמץ מרוב תסכול וצער, והאירוע נתפס בעיניו ככישלון. אולם פעמים רבות מתברר בדיעבד שאותה נסיעה הסתיימה באסון, ובזכות ה"עיכוב" ניצלו חייו.
מכאן שהאדם מוגבל בראייתו: אין לו היכולת לדעת מה באמת מיטיב עמו ומה מזיק לו. כל מה שנותר לו הוא להישען על השגחת הבורא, המנהיג את עולמו בצדק ובחסד.
השמחה בחלקך — פרי מידת ההשתוות
הסכנה הגדולה ביותר בעת צרה היא חדירת הרהורי כפירה, מרירות ותרעומת על הנהגת ה'.
רש"י מפרש על הפסוק:
"וּבְכָל לְבָבְךָ" — שלא יהיה לבך חלוק על המקום.
"וּבְכָל מְאֹדְךָ" — בכל מידה ומידה שהוא מודד לך, בין במידה טובה ובין במידת פורענות.
המערער על מידותיו של הקב"ה הרי הוא כמי שמתקומם נגד מלכות שמים. לעומת זאת, מי שמקבל את דין שמים בשמחה זוכה למדרגתה של שרה אמנו, שלא פיתחה שום טינה פנימית וראתה בכל מאורעות חייה מהלך ישר ומכוון.
מכאן מובנת המשנה במסכת אבות (ד, א):
"אֵיזֶהוּ עָשִׁיר? הַשָּׂמֵחַ בְּחֶלְקוֹ".
אדם שליבו מלא תרעומת ואינו יכול לשאת את הצלחת חברו — הקנאה מכלה אותו מבפנים, והוא רחוק משמחה אמיתית. עשיר אמיתי הוא רק מי שהשריש בנפשו את מידת ההשתוות: מי שיודע בוודאות שקיבל במדויק את החלק שיועד לו משמים, ואין אדם נוגע במוכן לחברו אפילו כמלוא נימה.
כשאנו מצהירים: "אני מאמין באמונה שלמה שהבורא יתברך שמו הוא בורא ומנהיג לכל הברואים, והוא לבדו עשה ועושה ויעשה לכל המעשים" — הכוונה היא לאמונה טהורה ללא ספקות או ערעורים בלב. אדם הזוכה לאמונה כזו משתחרר מכל דאגה וחרדה, ויודע שכל מה שקורה עמו הוא לטובתו המוחלטת. כך זוכה הוא לחיים שכולם "שווים לטובה".
I. The Midah of Hishtavus in Sarah Imeinu: How Could All Her Years Be Deemed “Equally for the Good”?
The Torah opens our parshah with the words:
“And the life of Sarah was one hundred years and twenty years and seven years; these were the years of Sarah’s life” (Bereishis 23:1).
Rashi notes the pleonasm at the close of the posuk—“shnei chayei Sarah”—and expounds: “Kulan shovin letovah” (They were all equally for the good).
At first glance, this assertion evokes profound perplexity: How can one characterize Sarah Imeinu’s lifetime as having been kulan shovin letovah? Did she not endure ceaseless tribulations, upheavals, and yissurim?
She endured protracted barrenness until the age of ninety.
She was uprooted from her homeland, forced to wander with Avraham in an alien territory and in bitter exile.
She was abducted against her will on two distinct occasions—first to the palace of Pharaoh, and subsequently to that of Avimelech.
Can years marked by such anguish and distress genuinely be deemed letovah?
Equanimity of Mind: Embracing Reality Through Internal Hishtavus
A fundamental resolution to this difficulty is advanced in the writings of the Ozharover Rebbe, zeicher tzaddik livracha:
The posuk in Tehillim declares: “Shivisi Hashem lenegdi samid, ki mimini bal emot” (I have set Hashem before me always, for He is at my right hand, I shall not falter; 16:8). The deeper import is that a person must recognize that every circumstance confronting him harbors a distinct intimation and divine purpose within avodas Hashem, in the spirit of “Kol po’al Hashem lema’anehu” (Hashem has made everything for His sake; Mishlei 16:4).
The homiletic nuance of “Shivisi Hashem lenegdi” implies: even when an occurrence arises lenegdi—standing directly contrary to my will, inclinations, and calculations—I equate (mashveh) and perceive within it the immediate presence of the Almighty. It is crystal clear to me that this emanates directly from His divine will, and that this precisely constitutes my mandated path of avodah at this very juncture. When an individual abides in such elevated consciousness, the conclusion of the posuk is realized within him: “ki mimini bal emot”—his spiritual fortitude and innate goodness remain forever unassailable.
From this perspective, the concept of “kulan shovin letovah” is illuminated:
Human life undergoes myriad transformations, shifting across varying epochs—youth, adulthood, and advanced age diverge markedly in their external conditions and spiritual trials. With Sarah Imeinu, however, all states and intervals were entirely uniform in their ultimate telos: through every circumstance she served Hashem—at times out of yirah, at times out of ahavah, at times through sorrow, and at times through sublime simchah. As the Psalmist writes: “Tzarah veyagon emtza, uv’shem Hashem ekra” (I encounter trouble and sorrow, and I call upon the Name of Hashem; Tehillim 116:3–4)—even in moments of dire straits, Sarah bound concrete reality back to its divine origin. Consequently, everything was retroactively transformed on her behalf into benevolence.
The novelty lies not in an alteration of external vicissitudes, but within Sarah’s inner sanctum:
The years themselves were not devoid of pain; rather, Sarah embraced every eventuality with utter hishtavus and unadulterated joy. She was acutely cognizant that whatever befell her was exclusively the will of the Creator; hence, she perceived no axiological disparity between the illuminated days and the dark ones.
II. The Essence of the Attribute of Hishtavus
Transcending Mere Lip Service
The attribute of hishtavus demands that a person accept whatever befalls him out of a lucid conviction that it is crafted expressly for his ultimate personal good.
Chazal exhorted: “Le’olam yehei adam ragil lomar: kol de’avid Rachmana letav avid” (A person should always accustom himself to say: whatever the Merciful One does, He does for the good; Berachos 60b). This is no superficial slogan, nor a matter of mere lip service, but a deeply rooted, unshakeable emunah.
A diametrically opposed disposition is exhibited later in the parshah by Lavan and Besuel, who conceded to Eliezer: “Me’Hashem yatza hadavar, lo nuchal daber eilecha ra o tov” (The matter has emanated from Hashem; we can speak to you neither bad nor good; Bereishis 24:50). Ostensibly, they acknowledged that the shidduch was ordained from Heaven; yet in their innermost hearts, they sought to obstruct and rebel against the Divine mandate (as Rashi elucidates regarding Besuel’s intent to sabotage the nuptials). Intellectual concession was present, yet the inner heart refused to yield.
The Era of Mashiach: The Revelation of Pure Chessed
A Yid is summoned to genuine belief that the very fact that a matter has emerged from Hashem constitutes the ultimate, definitive proof of its intrinsic goodness.
Creation is founded upon the axiom: “Olam chessed yibaneh” (The world is built on lovingkindness; Tehillim 89:3). Since the very essence of the Good is to bestow goodness, there exists in the Almighty's realm no absolute or cruel evil; it is merely that benevolent providence at times arrives clad in concealed vestments, appearing to mortal eyes as misfortune.
A sacred tradition from the dynasties of Ropshitz and Kaminka (cited in Heichal Shen) teaches:
In the World to Come, it will become manifestly revealed that all the transmigrations, travails, and bitter hardships of galus endured by Klal Yisrael were unadulterated chessed—to the point where it will become evident that an absolute hester panim (concealment of the Divine Countenance) never truly existed, but rather profound, pristine mercies beyond the grasp of flesh and blood.
This likewise elucidates the dictum in Gemara Pesachim (50b):
In this world, one recites upon auspicious tidings “HaTov VeHaMeitiv” and upon tragic tidings “Dayan HaEmes”; however, in the World to Come, one will recite over everything “HaTov VeHaMeitiv”, for at that time the primordial goodness concealed within agonizing circumstances will be laid bare.
Similarly expounded the holy Kedushas Levi of Berditchev on the verse in Eichah: “Efes biltecha goalenu limos HaMashiach”—in the messianic era it will become clear lemarpeia (in retrospect) that all the vicissitudes of galus served as the indispensable, exact crucible for the ultimate geulah.
A Contemporary Parallel
Consider an individual hurrying to an airport or harbor who arrives late and misses his departure. In that instantaneous moment, his spirit is crushed by sheer frustration and anguish, evaluating the mishap as an unmitigated catastrophe. Yet frequently it transpires in retrospect that this very voyage met with tragedy, and solely through that “delay” his life was spared.
From this we observe human cognitive limitation: mortal man possesses neither the panoramic vantage nor the capacity to discern what is truly to his benefit or detriment. All that remains is to cast his burden upon the Hashgachah Pratis of the Creator, Who governs His cosmos with impeccable justice and boundless mercy.
Same’ach BeChelko: The Offspring of Hishtavus
The gravest hazard during times of distress is the infiltration of skeptical musings, bitterness, and grievances against the hanhagah of Hashem.
Rashi elucidates upon the Shema:
“U’vechol levavcha”—that your heart harbor no division or contention against the Omnipresent.
“U’vechol me’odecha”—with every single measure (midah) that He metes out to you, whether in a measure of abundance or in a measure of retribution.
One who disputes or questions the attributes of the Holy One, blessed be He, acts as one rebelling against the Sovereignty of Heaven (Malchus Shamayim). Conversely, he who embraces the judgment of Heaven with spiritual elevation attains the stature of Sarah Imeinu, who nurtured no inner resentment, perceiving across the entirety of her days a righteous, deliberate design.
Hence we comprehend the Mishna in Pirkei Avos (4:1):
“Eizehu ashir? Hasame’ach bechelko” (Who is truly wealthy? He who rejoices in his allotted portion).
One whose heart is rife with grievance, unable to tolerate the ascendancy of his peer, will find jealousy consuming him from within—he remains estranged from authentic simchah. Truly wealthy is solely the individual who has ingrained within the recesses of his soul the attribute of hishtavus: one who is assured that he has received the precise portion designated for him from on High, and that no man can encroach upon that prepared for his fellow, even by a hairsbreadth (kemlo nima).
When we proclaim: “Ani ma’amin be’emunah sheleimah shehaBorei Yisbarach Shemo Hu Borei u’Manhig lechol habru’im, veHu levado asah ve’oseh veya’aseh lechol hama’asim”—we articulate a pristine emunah, free of ambivalence or internal reservation. An individual endowed with such conviction is liberated from debilitating anxiety and distress, recognizing that all which transpires is for his absolute good. Thus does one merit a life wherein every year is truly kulan shovin letovah.
| Level | Guiding Principle | Nature of Perception | Classical Talmudic Exemplar |
First Level “Kol de’avid Rachmana letav avid” | The eventual outcome will yield good. | The individual experiences the immediate occurrence as grievous and painful, yet maintains the steadfast conviction that a favorable consequence will burgeon from it in the future. | Rabbi Akiva (Berachos 60b): The candle was extinguished, the rooster was consumed, and the donkey was devoured—events that appeared manifestly detrimental, yet ensured that invading legions marching past did not detect him, thereby preserving his life. |
Second Level (Higher) “Gam zu letovah” | The occurrence in its very essence is good. | The individual believes that the occurrence itself—in this exact, unfolding moment—embodies absolute divine favor, rather than functioning merely as an instrumental conduit toward future utility. | Nachum Ish Gamzu (Taanis 21a): Regarded the chest filled with dust as an intrinsically wholesome and perfect gift; by virtue of his unwavering emunah, the reality itself transmuted into an open miracle. |