Monday, April 13, 2026

Pirkei Avot and Historical Leadership

The speaker begins by referencing Pirkei Avot (Ethics of the Fathers), Chapter 1, Mishnah 8-9, which discusses the teachings of Yehuda ben Tabbai and Shimon ben Shetach. He notes a disscusion in the Talmud (Hagigah 16b) regarding the historical order of their leadership roles as Nasi (Prince) and Av Beit Din (Head of the Rabbinical Court). This leads into a deeper exploration of why these leaders are presented in pairs (Zugot) and how they represent broader spiritual truths.

The Maharal’s Framework: The Number Five

The core of the lecture is based on the teachings of the Maharal of Prague, who explains that there were five pairs of Torah receivers in the Second Temple era. These five pairs correspond to the five levels of the soul and the five "voices" heard at Mount Sinai.

The speaker explains the significance of the Hebrew letter "Hei", which has a numerical value of five. This letter is unique because it is pronounced as a simple breath (Neshimah). This linguistic connection is vital to Jewish thought:

Neshimah (Breath): The physical act of breathing.

Neshamah (Soul): The spiritual essence of a human.

The Metaphysics of Breath

Breathing is the ultimate connection between an individual’s internal existence and the external world. God created the world with "the breath of His mouth" (Ruach Piv) and humans possess a soul because God "blew" a part of Himself into man.

Practical Application: In a modern context, breathing exercises are used to regulate the nervous system and calm the mind, which can be framed as "re-calibrating the soul" and re-connecting with one's divine source.

The Five Levels of the Soul

The lecture delves into the Kabbalistic hierarchy of the soul, mapping them to the Sefirot (divine attributes):

Yechidah (Singularity): Corresponding to Keter (the Crown), this is the highest, most incomprehensible level of the soul.

Chayah (Life Force): Corresponding to Chochmah (Wisdom). This level is "hidden" and best accessed through Shtikah (Silence). Silence is a "fence" to wisdom, as speaking often limits the expansive nature of pure thought.

Neshamah (Breath/Soul): Corresponding to Binah (Understanding). This is the level where hidden thoughts begin to expand and be revealed. It is associated with the ability to ask questions and seek deep understanding.

Ruach (Spirit) and Nefesh (Vitality): The lower levels that bridge spiritual essence with physical action.

Symbolism and Gender

There is a linkage between the concept of Chochmah (Wisdom) and the "male" archetype (inner, silent thought) and Binah (Understanding/Expansion) and the "female" archetype (verbal expression and interpersonal connection). Both are essential for the world to function, as Binah represents the beginning of the "revelation" of God’s hidden wisdom into the world.

Conclusion

The lecture concludes by emphasizing that the Neshamah (Soul) is the beginning of the "expansion" of divinity into the human experience. Through the act of breathing and the pursuit of understanding, a person remains connected to the source of life, navigating the duality of being a physical creature with a divine essence.

See here for much more. 

Tazria-Metzora: May One Speak Lashon Hara to AI?

Rabbi Daniel Z. Feldman


 Can I speak lashon hara to ChatGPT?


On the surface, the question seems like a simple one: as impressive as AI is, it is not another person; one is not actually sharing the derogatory information with someone else. However, there are a number of factors to consider.


One is that lashon hara is not only an offense of harm against another, but it is considered a corruption of character as well. The Talmud identifies the speaker himself as one of three who are “killed” by lashon hara, along with the subject and the recipient (Arakhin 15b).  All sin is a source of harm to the sinner himself, in that through such actions the perpetrator incurs guilt and punishment. However, the sense is that this arena is unique in its impact on the actor, imposing an effect distinct from that of sin in general.


From a philosophical perspective, many Jewish thinkers have focused on the unique role of speech as a defining element of humanity. Speech, at least in its fully realized form, distinguishes Man from the animal, and as an expression of thought, this is a distinction with a profound difference. This notion is reflected in the Aramaic translation of Onkeles to the verse “and Man became a living soul (Gen. 2:7)”, where the last words are rendered ruach mimalela, or “a talking spirit”. The Chafetz Chaim, in his introduction, cites this phrasing in explaining why he subtitled the main section of his work Mekor Chaim, or “Source of Life”.


 


Further, it has been noted that speech is an essentially nonphysical act with an immense impact on the physical world, and thus wields an awesome power (See Netivot Olam, netiv halashon, ch. 2, and Shemirat HaLashon, sha’ar hazekhirah, ch. 1); “death and life are in the hands of the tongue (Prov. 18:21.)”. Accordingly, the attribute of speech demands extreme care and sensitivity in its usage, and the abuse of this precious resource imposes an exceptional degradation on the speaker.


Further, on a level that is more psychological/moral, it is asserted that offenses of speech both reflect and deepen particularly unsavory elements of the personality. Significantly, the speaker of lashon hara displays a bias toward negativity, a dangerous attitude which feeds upon itself and ultimately affects all that is in its purview. Maimonides writes as much (Mishneh Torah, Hil. Tuma’at Tzara’at 16:10), charting a direct path from hearsay to heresy, noting that those who at first are merely cynical in their orientation will eventually come to disparage and deny God Himself. The tendency toward a negative assessment is profoundly corrosive and, left unchecked, can undermine the possibility of a fair treatment and appreciation for any value of life.


 


Lashon hara represents at least two categories of evil: an act of damage, an offense against the subjects of the speech; and a base character trait, an aspect of the personality dangerous to the soul (The psychological makeup of the personality inclined toward gossip is discussed in Rumor and Gossip: The Social Psychology of Hearsay pp. 81-83). Maimonides is often associated with an action-based understanding of the Torah’s commandments regarding the technical formulation of the commandments, if not their purpose. In other words, even if the ultimate goal is an emotional or intellectual state, a mitzvah would command an action as the means. Nonetheless, he does speak of character traits in his legal code, in which he notes that a Torah scholar “judges his fellow favorably, speaks in praise of his friend and never to his disparagement” (Hil. Deiot 5:7. See Emek HaLashon, pp. 6-7). Many authorities, including the Chafetz Chaim (Hilkhot Lashon Hara, klal 3, in Be’er Mayim Chaim #7), see this dual theme in the writings of Maimonides as well.


 


The character component may also be read into the format of the Torah's core prohibition in this area. The impression created by a statement such as "do not travel as a peddler", rather than a more straightforward formulation such as "do not disparage… ", is that it is not an act that is being condemned, but rather a personality type; as if the instruction is not what not to do, but what not to be.


 


A further observation can be made from the fact that the Torah characterizes the act of gossip as "walking as a peddler". The Chafetz Chaim (Hil Lashon Hara Klal 1, BMC 4 and klal 2 12 in fn, citing the Shlah) offers the suggestion that the intent is to include not only the gossip itself but the prior acts leading up to it in the transgression.  If so, the message would seem to again be that lashon hara is damaging not only because of the effect on the subject, but that the entire process and mentality are corrosive to the speaker. 


 


Ohr HaChaim (Lev. 19:16) suggests that the "walking" is a reference to the dissemination of the gossip by the listeners, to refute the perception that it may be safe to spread the gossip in a certain context where the subject would not seem to be affected.


 


All of this indicates that the very formation of the disparaging statements in one’s mind, apart from their communication to another human being, inflicts its own cost. This can also be seen from another aspect of the lashon hara prohibition. 


 


Not only is there a prohibition against spreading lashon hara, but “accepting” it (kabbalah) is also forbidden. According to the Talmud (Pesachim 118a; see also Mishneh Torah, Hil. Sanhedrin 21:7), this prohibition is located earlier in the Torah (Ex. 23:1), in a verse that is complicated to translate but appears to prohibit the “bearing” (lo tisa) of a report (shema) that is “shav”, which is either translated as false or unnecessary. In that same Talmudic passage, it is suggested that this verse addresses the speaker of lashon hara as well, as the report is “borne” by both the receiver and the transmitter.


 


It is noteworthy that Maimonides, despite his detailed treatment of the laws of lashon hara in his Mishneh Torah, does not mention any limitations on the prohibition of receiving lashon hara. He also does not explicitly state that prohibition in the first place (in this section; he does record it elsewhere), in fact only mentioning it almost incidentally in the context of noting that the recipient is one of those "killed" bylashon hara, and then asserting, as mentioned above, that the recipient is worse (literally, “more”) than the speaker. In addressing this, it may be that Maimonides understands the mindset of lashon hara, the unjustified disdain of others, as the actual offense, and the speaking of the content as merely the vehicle for conveying that sinful attitude to others. If so, it would be understandable that receiving lashon hara does not merit a specific direct mention, as it is the context for the entire prohibition, including the speaking. Further, there would be no need to mention any exceptions or justifications, as those would simply be excluded from the mindset of unjustified condemnation that typifies lashon hara (a similar but significantly different approach can be found in Emek HaLashon, 25 and 26).


 


The focus on personality corrosion independent of harm gives rise to a number of other issues. For example, lashon hara would be prohibited even if one could envision a situation in which the speaker could credibly maintain the subject will not be harmed (Hil. Lashon Hara klal 3, # 6. See also Tehor Sefatayim, pp. 140-141, who understands the issue to be a dispute between Maimonides and Rabbenu Yonah. Note Resp. Az Nidberu, XIV, 59, who assumes that this prohibition would not include incidental discussion of information already known to the listener. Other than that category, however, he maintains in a later responsum (loc. cit. 65) that there is no lashon hara that can actually be characterized reliably as harmless).


 


Conversely, if a speaker speaks with malice, but the item is afterwards determined to be important and justified, that result would not mitigate the original offense, and the speaker would still have to undergo an internal process of repentance (Chafetz Chaim Hil. Lashon Hara 4:11.) 


 


Interestingly, while the issue of speaking lashon hara to “things” may be a newer question, the issue of speaking about things was discussed earlier, as may emerge from the condemnation of the spies and their slander of the Holy Land. From one perspective, this may stem from the association certain objects have with specific human beings, particularly if the object in question is merchandise used in business. However, this concern may also emerge from the corrosive effects of negativity and cynicism, even without a human target


 


Further, there is an additional prohibition against netirah, or ‘bearing a grudge’. According to some understandings, one who acts to preserve animosity within his own heart runs afoul of this provision, leading some to suggest that merely keeping a journal in which such feelings are recorded could be problematic. Similarly, a conversation of this nature with AI would seem to raise similar issues.


Most significantly, it is not guaranteed that the information imparted to the AI will not cause any harm to the subject. This data does become absorbed by the system, and can be reflected back later in unhelpful ways to the original speaker, and possibly even to others, with untold consequences.


This last point is discussed at length in Chapter three of De Kai's book Raising AI, “Artificial Gossips." He notes there that there is a word for the “hearing” party to gossip, what we would call a mekabel lashon hara, a “quidnunc”. As he writes, "The danger of artificial gossip is that it mushrooms regardless of whether it is true or false. When gossip is false or private, artificial gossip mongers spread fake news and confidential information, like human gossip mongers do, but exponentially more dangerously.… In this age of botnets, artificial gossips easily account for more than 25% of our gossips. Artificial gossips push past the tipping point for fake news to change society's views. Just like humans, artificial gossip mongers weaponize the power of suggestion. Just like human gossips, they spread unevaluated claims that are based on superficial appearance. They promote hearsay rather than evidence, they promote stereotyping... Even when gossip is true, artificial quidnuncs gain social power just like human quidnuncs do, but again far more perilously… Have you joined the artificial gossips? As a parent, what kind of example are you setting for artificial children? Are you sharing gossip into the ears of artificial quidnuncs who use it to figure out how better to manipulate our society by propagating your gossip to other susceptible members of society? Are you avidly consuming gossip offered by artificial gossip mongers who thus encourage learning from you how to manipulate you to propagate more gossip that is even more enticing to you? Are you an unwitting part of the network? Have you joined the artificial gossips in creating divides rather than bridging them? Gossip ostracizes persons or groups. Exponential artificial gossip disruptively ostracizes persons or groups… You used to read news stories. Now the news stories read you. So don't help artificial gossips. What they tell you might seem like simple clickbait, but it isn't. It's creating, over time, a system that will eat itself. Don't be an unwitting part of the divisiveness.”


Due to all of the above, it cannot be simply maintained that speaking lashon hara to AI is a non-issue. That being said, lashon hara even to people is subject at times to justification, known as toelet, or ‘purpose’, and such rationales would be relevant here as well, and in some cases would indicate that AI is a preferable choice as a recipient.


‘Purpose’ may include not only the thwarting of a predator, but also necessary benefit to the speaker. In this vein, it is likely that to relate negative information in the process of confiding in a therapist, or other helpful individuals, is justified. This point is noted by the Chafetz Chaim (Hil. Lashon Hara, 10:14 in fn, and see also 6:4) and actually draws upon two distinct forms of benefit.


 


The crucial realm of mental health is a self-evident priority that itself can justify many otherwise discouraged behaviors. More specifically, the benefit of talk therapy is identified in the Talmud (Yoma 75a), which in interpreting a verse (Prov. 12:25), advises "one who finds worry in his heart should discuss the matter with others".  According to Rashi, the benefit is that the listener may have some solution to the problem. Within that interpretation, the purpose of such conversation is functional in the practical sense.


 


However, it is also likely that the intent is that the very act of talking is productive as an emotional support. Accordingly, such unburdening of the mind should be permitted even if the listener is not likely to offer concrete advice. It seems that this justification is grounded not only in the productive benefit but also in that there is no intent to disparage the individual being discussed, but rather to provide therapeutic relief to the speaker (See R. Zevulun Shuv, Sha’arei Zevulun, YD, 76).


 


The listener would not necessarily have to be a professional therapist if indeed the simple act of talking is deemed beneficial. Theoretically, such license could be extended to "venting", if that is productive; it should be noted, however, that there is some debate among experts in psychology as to the actual benefit of venting anger (see Enright, Robert, Forgiveness is a Choice, pp. 54-55, and see You Are Not So Smart, ch. 32, and the studies cited therein). Some studies indicate that “venting” either keeps initial anger running longer or causes an emotional dependency on the venting that otherwise would not be there. R. Ya’akov Kamenetsky (Emet L’Ya’akov to Orach Chaim, 156, n182) distinguishes between one who is sharing his distress that an offender is going unpunished, which is permitted, and one who is using the publicizing of a misdeed as an expression of anger itself, which he maintains is prohibited. He compares such speech to the destructive behavior of one who smashes vessels in anger, implying that the speech is unproductive (or counterproductive) and thus not subject to a license of “purpose”. (Compare Chelkat Binyamin, Hilkhot Lashon Hara 10:39 and Netiv Chaim, Hilkhot Lashon Hara 1:12, with Zera Chaim p. 308).


 


Centuries earlier, R. Yehudah HaChasid (Sefer Chasidim # 64) formulated this potential benefit, emphasizing also the perspective of the listener. He described a situation in which an angry individual is on the verbal warpath, determined to share his fury with the world. In such a case, while listening to lashon hara is normally discouraged, it may make sense for one to decide that he will choose to provide an audience for this individual, under the assumption that by doing so, he can reduce the speaker's need to tell anyone else, while also playing a role in calming the speaker and trying to shift his perspective more positively.


 


The goal of reducing the number of listeners is an important one. A "venting license" should not be taken as a free pass to widely disparage the source of one's anger. Emotional unburdening should be accomplished with a very limited number of people (preferably, one person) and should not involve the widespread dissemination of negativity (See Responsa LeChafetz BaChaim, I, 2, and II, 1). 


 


In considering these particular benefits, ChatGPT may have some advantages as the ‘recipient’ of the lashon hara.  A helpful comparison may come from another frequent issue in the laws of lashon hara, the question of omitting names.


It is popularly assumed that it is permissible to relay derogatory information as long as no names are used. However, some halakhic authorities wondered if this was indeed the case, and some, in fact, concluded that 6:4such conversation was forbidden (see, for example, R. Akiva Eiger-Sofer, Responsa Hitorerut Teshuvah, Vol. I-II, 270. See R. Shabtai Sofer, Sha’arei Deah, to Mishneh Torah, Hil. Deiot, ch. 7, who understands such to be the position of Maimonides), while others did allow if it is clear there will be no harm caused (see R. Chaim Kanievsky, in She’ailat RavI, ch 7 # 9).  (It should be emphasized that the discussion here is relevant only to a situation where the identity is actually successfully concealed; if it is at all possible the identity would be perceived, all would agree that lashon hara is violated.)  


 


Those who are stringent in this situation are apparently assuming that the concealing of the identities to protect the guilty does not eliminate the prohibited nature of the conversation. Indeed, just as a gossip column might relay salacious information without specifying the subject, merely stating that ‘a well-known politician’ has been implicated in some scandal, there is prurient interest in such stories even without knowing the identities of the protagonists. This interest can nurture the negative character traits associated with lashon hara, and thus pose a problem even when damage is not being inflicted upon the subject (see also R. Aharon Roth, in the journal Marpei Lashon, II, pp. 16-19).


 


R. Shmuel Hominer, the author of a summary adaptation of the Chafetz Chaim’s writings, asserted (Ikarei Dinim, klal 3, in fn) that relating lashon hara without the name of the subject may not be an act of “talebearing”, but is nonetheless a violation of character, and by reinforcing the perception of the subject in the mind of the speaker commits an act of “acceptance” of lashon hara. He maintained that such gossip is addressed by the scriptural verses, “let none of you plot evil against his brother in your heart” and “And let none of you plot evil in your hearts against his neighbor” (Zach. 7:10 and 8:17. R. Yisrael Pesach Feinhandler, in the journal Bikkurim, II, pp. 802-804, asserts that if the identity is concealed, there is no violation of the specific prohibition oflashon hara, but there are many other prohibitions that may be transgressed, which he proceeds to enumerate.)


 


However, such conversation may be permitted according to all views if the intent is not to gossip but rather to convey an educational message or cautionary exhortation. In that case, as there is neither harm to the subjects nor a salacious motive, both elements of lashon hara appear to be mitigated. R. Hominer acknowledges this as well, but warns that it is necessary to ascertain that all listeners are aware of the motivation, so as to prevent any misunderstanding that would result in the perception of endorsing gossip.


 


The “ChatGPT question” seems similar. There are certainly many factors that caution against a casual attitude of permissibility in this case. However, when there are justifiable goals to be accomplished, it may be argued that technology has provided a new avenue by which to minimize the problems and maximize the benefits. If so, this is one more development for which we can be grateful.

Bernie Sanders Praises China For Eradicating Poverty By Killing All The Poor People

Senator Bernie Sanders offered words of praise for China's successful reduction of poverty in many parts of the country by killing off all the poor people through government control of the economy.

Sanders pointed out that the country has been very successful in eliminating vast swathes of poverty and also the poor.

"America still has a lot of poor people, and that's because we haven't been aggressive in implementing socialist programs that cause mass starvation," Sanders said, his fingers flopping around like ten tiny wacky inflatable tube men. "Firing squads, death camps, breadlines---all of these are humanitarian tools in the arsenal of the government to shoot poverty in the face, and sometimes also the poor in the face, when it's necessary."

The senator also pointed out that poor people, who often own fewer than three homes, don't contribute much to a socialist economy and "not much is lost" when these single-home-owners are shot or simply starve to death as the government can't even figure out how to get food to everyone, a problem even bad fast-food restaurants like McDonald's solved decades ago.

The Erasure of Zion: How Zohran Mamdani Co-opted the Seder for Political Revisionism

At a "postmodern" Passover seder held at City Winery in Manhattan this week, New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani managed a feat of historical and theological gymnastics: he told the story of the Exodus while systematically excising its conclusion. In Mamdani’s version of the Seder, the Israelites left Egypt not for the Land of Israel, but for a secularized, universalist vision of neighborly solidarity and American civil rights activism.

By stripping the Passover story of its ultimate destination—the Holy Land—Mamdani didn’t just offer a "modern" interpretation; he engaged in a calculated act of political co-option. In doing so, he exposed a staggering hypocrisy: using a religious tradition to bolster his platform while simultaneously attacking the very core of that tradition’s national identity.

Passover: The Original Zionist Narrative

To understand the depth of Mamdani’s revisionism, one must understand that Passover is, at its heart, the foundational Zionist holiday. The narrative of the Exodus is not merely a story of "breaking chains" or a generic struggle against "affordability crises." It is a specific, covenantal journey. The Torah makes it clear: God did not take the Israelites out of Egypt simply to wander the desert as "neighbors helping neighbors." He took them out to bring them to the Land He promised to their ancestors.

The Seder concludes with the most famous declaration in Jewish liturgy: L’Shana Haba’ah B’Yerushalayim—"Next Year in Jerusalem." This is not a metaphor for a vague sense of "liberation." It is a literal, 3,000-year-old yearning for Zion. To tell the story of Passover without the Holy Land is like telling the story of the American Revolution without mentioning the concept of independence. It is a hollowed-out shell, repurposed to serve a modern political agenda that is often hostile to Jewish self-determination.

The Politics of Omission

During his remarks, Mamdani claimed that "liberation was attained when the Jewish people came together to escape their enslavement... neighbor helping neighbor." While the sentiment of solidarity is noble, it is a deliberate misreading of the text to serve a "post-nationalist" worldview.

By focusing exclusively on the "brokenness" of the middle matzah and pivoting immediately to the NAACP and Dr. Heschel, Mamdani attempted to transform a Jewish national liberation movement into a domestic social justice seminar. The Jewish contribution to the Civil Rights movement is not the summation of the Exodus.

Mamdani’s rhetoric suggests that Jewish "liberation" is only acceptable when it is directed toward universalist causes in the Diaspora, and becomes problematic the moment it manifests as sovereignty in the Jewish ancestral homeland.

A Height of Hypocrisy

The hypocrisy of the Mayor’s appearance is made even more stark by his administration's record. Mamdani, a frequent and harsh critic of the Jewish state, has presided over an environment where his own office suggests that Jewish houses of worship violate "international law" simply for hosting pro-Israel events.

At the Seder, Mamdani lamented that "synagogues that once felt like sanctuaries now require armed protection." Yet, he failed to acknowledge that the atmosphere of hostility toward these "sanctuaries" is often fueled by the very anti-Zionist rhetoric he champions—rhetoric that seeks to decouple Judaism from its intrinsic connection to Israel.

How can a leader claim to honor the "legacy of Jewish New Yorkers" while his administration treats the central tenet of their religious and ethnic identity—the return to Zion—as a violation of international law?

The Danger of the "Postmodern" Seder

The gathering at City Winery, attended by other vocal critics of Israel like Brad Lander, represents a growing trend of "reclaiming" Jewish holidays by stripping them of their particularism. When Mamdani uses the Seder plate to pivot to discussions of ICE and the "affordability crisis," he isn't honoring the holiday; he is using it as a prop.

Passover is a celebration of the Jewish people’s journey from being a group of slaves to becoming a nation in their own land. It is a story of indigenous return. By cropping out the destination, Mamdani didn’t just tell a different version of the story—he told a story that isn't Passover at all.

If we allow the "Next Year in Jerusalem" to be replaced by "Next Year at City Hall," we lose the essence of the holiday. New Yorkers should see this for what it is: an attempt to rewrite the Jewish past to justify a political future that has no room for a Jewish state.

Shemini: Of Cruelty and Kashrut, the Chasidah and Hamas

Rabbi Daniel Z. Feldman



It is said that “you are what you eat”, and in fact, some Jewish thinkers consider that the reason for the rules of the kashrut. Notably, Nachmanides, in his biblical commentary (Lev. 11:13), asserts that the types of birds that are deemed not kosher are predators, and are barred for that reason. Consuming them, he claims, “tends to make the heart cruel”. He further writes that the correlation is absolute. Predator birds can be identified by their listing among those that are not kosher, and those that are not kosher are all predators.


There are a number of ways to understand this approach, ranging from the mystical to the speculatively scientific. It may also be understood more directly: if these birds sustain themselves through aggression, then the human who, in turn, sustains himself on them is also partaking in that aggression and is comfortable doing so. Over time, that mindset becomes hardened as internalized cruelty.


A similar process might be associated with the obligation of shechitah, which amounts to a prohibition to consume any animal that has not been killed in this fashion, which is understood by many commentaries to be the most humane method. The Torah is thus prohibiting one from sustaining himself through unnecessary cruelty to animals, which would in turn allow that cruelty to become a part of his own psychological constitution.


While Nachmanides is confident that this explains the unfitness of birds, he more tentatively suggests that this also explains which kinds of animals are deemed non-kosher. One fascinating application of that theory involves the lion. Some works cite an idea that in messianic times, the lion will become permitted to consume (see Otzar Pilaot HaTorah, Lev., pp. 364-365). Here, the explanation is that the noble lion, featured on the Heavenly Chariot, is actually a kosher species, but is nonetheless currently prohibited in consumption because it sustains itself as a predator. In the future, however, when that is prophesied to change (Is. 11:7), so will its status.


In light of this theory, one non-kosher bird listed by the Torah receives disproportionate attention because of its name: the “Chasidah” (Lev. 11:19, often translated as “stork”), which sounds as if it is derived from chesed, or kindness. Rashi, citing the Talmud (Chulin 63a), tells us that is indeed the case: it is so named because “it acts with kindness, chesed, to its friends, in sharing its food”.


This seems surprising; if it is indeed the case that those birds that are not kosher are designated as such because they have a predatory nature, and consuming them would have a negative effect on one’s soul, how, then, did the Chasidah, named after its kindness, receive the status?


This may be why the Ibn Ezra saw the rendition as far-fetched (derekh rechokah). This question bothered the Torah Temimah, so much so that he preferred other etymologies, unrelated to kindness, against the Talmudic interpretation, citing the Ibn Ezra and Vilna Gaon to that effect.  


One popular explanation is to claim that the Chasidah the is deemed not kosher because its kindness is expressed specifically “to its friends”, and is thus apparently exclusive in its nature. (See Birkat Asher, citing Chiddushei HaRim).


However, this explanation seems difficult as well. No one has infinite resources to take care of everyone, and Jewish law does indeed have priorities as to how those resources should be spent, including requiring first taking care of those one is closest to. It seems unfair that this bird should be considered not kosher for acting in a way no different than that expected of benevolent people.


The Pardes Yosef cites from the Ishbitzer a striking possibility, noting the rabbinic dictum that one who is compassionate toward the cruel is as guilty as one who is cruel to the compassionate. Accordingly, the issue may be that the Chasidah which acts with chesed even with its fellows who are cruel thus acts inappropriately and earns its non-kosher status (see Ramatayim Tzofim to Tana D’Bei Eliyahu, ch. 22, # 68). The message, as he understands it, is that such a indiscriminate benefactor is controlled by the attribute rather than the reverse, and thus is opposing the Divine will. The claim is that such opposition is itself a source of impurity. One might have also suggested, more specifically, that the kindness to the cruel itself makes one an accessory to cruelty. (See also the two interpretations in Siftei Kohen al HaTorah; one defines the term differently, and the other references the concept of the “chasid shoteh”.)


It seems, however, that the point is a more basic one. The Chasidah is not kosher because it is a predator, just like all of the other birds in that category. The fact that it is nice to its friends does not change that reality. (My grandfather, in his commentary Meshivat Nefesh, indicates this understanding; compare also Toledot Yitzchak.) This indeed teaches a crucial lesson for humans: evil is not excused just because it is inconsistently expressed. If you are a Nazi, or a terrorist, we don’t care that you also love animals or are nice to your mother.


Eli Sharabi, in his book “Hostage”, the harrowing account of his captivity in the hands of Hamas, describes the captor he deemed to be the cruelest among them. He notes that despite this fact, he displayed other tones as well. "In contrast to his cruelty towards us, when he talks on the phone with his kids, suddenly a different side of him emerges -  soft, attentive, and sensitive. We overhear their phone calls nearly all the time... I hear how even the cruelest, meanest captors speak affectionately with their own children” (pp. 142-143; thanks to Chaim Horowitz for this reference.)


It is not merely that such compartmentalized civility can coexist with the greatest of evil. This reality is one that is particularly dangerous; it allows the cruelty to be concealed and even laundered through a veil of deceptive benevolence.


In that vein, the unacceptability of the Chasidah might be compared to that of the most paradigmatic of non-kosher animals, the Chazir, or swine. It might be considered surprising that of the two signs of a non-kosher animal, the swine, which at least has one of them, should be considered the most representative of the proscribed category.


However, as the Kli Yakar (Lev. 11:4) notes, this may be its most offensive trait. That the pig puts forward its literal “best foot”, while its disqualification is hidden in the background (see Lev. Rabbah 13:5), constitutes the greatest danger.


In our times, those who have advocated the loudest for perpetrators of evil such as those who held Eli Sharabi do so under the cover of the pretense of human rights and purported justice. Their position is no more praiseworthy than that of the Chazir or of the Chasidah; in fact, it is representative of that which is most wrong with the world. The rules of kashrut, arcane as they seem. need not be considered inaccessible to our rational consciousness; in fact, analyzing their messages may be the best strategy to restore the rationality of a world that has lost it.

Metzora: Lessons from the Story of the Mysterious Peddler

Rabbi Daniel Z. Feldman

Many hundreds of years ago, a travelling peddler arrived in the town of Tzippori (Sepphoris), proclaiming, in the style of the day, the wares he had to offer. The peddler announced to all who would listen: who wishes to purchase the elixir of life? As a crowd gathered, the peddler was exhorted to provide the enticing brew he was advertising. Finally, the peddler reached into his bag, but what he revealed was not a potion, but a parchment. He was holding a biblical text – specifically, the Book of Psalms – and, with great drama, he read from it: “Who is the man who desires life, and loves days, that he may see good? ​ Keep your tongue from evil, and your lips from speaking guile. Turn from evil, and do good; seek peace, and pursue it (Psalms 34:13-15).”

Apparently, this was no simple act of biblical recitation; nor were his prospective customers disappointed.  Even great scholars, such as the venerable R. Yanai, were deeply impressed.  He was moved to exclaim that King Solomon, the son of the psalmist King David, had made a similar statement: “Whoever guards his mouth and his tongue keeps his soul from troubles (Proverbs 21:23.)”. Nonetheless, stated R. Yanai, he had studied this all his life, and never fully appreciated its scope, until the peddler opened his eyes.

(Versions of this story appear in Midrash Rabbah, Parashat Metzora 16:2, and in Yalkut Shimoni, Psalms ch. 52 (remez 767), and a different version, involving R. Alexandri, can be found in the Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah 19b. The presentation here is a composite of these versions. For a harmonization of the various versions, see R. Yaakov Shechter, Divrei Yaakov, Proverbs 4:3, n5. See also the Maharal of Prague, Netivot Olam, Netiv HaLashon ch. 1, and R. Reuven Schwartz, Emek HaLashon, 23.)

The tale of the peddler captured the attention of many rabbinic commentators, who offered varying insights as to the thrust of its message. To some, the significance of the story is not to identify the transgression of malicious speech – that prohibition is thoroughly expressed throughout the entire development of Jewish law, in the Torah and in the rabbinic writings, in narrative sections as well as in legal declarations, in admonishments of character refinement and in prophetic condemnations.

Rather, the peddler’s message was to convey the havoc that gossip wreaks upon life in this world, the here and now – not only the spiritual devastation that is imposed, and the guilt incurred, but the damage inflicted upon day-to-day life.  Thus, the question is "who desires life": not only the eternal life of the soul, but the physical life of the social being on this Earth. (See, for example, R. Betzalel Rudinsky, Mishkan Betzalel, Lev. p. 114-115; see also R. Yosef Greenwald, Va-Yechi Yosef, Genesis, p. 57, and Kokhav MiYaakov, cited in R. Yoel Menachem Mendel Sacharov, Menachem Yisrael, in Otzar Tehilot Yisrael, p. 346.) Others felt that the story is related in order to place a positive, proactive perspective on the unsavory subject of malicious gossip. The devastating impact is well-known – the shattered reputations, the destroyed relationships, the devastated psyches, cannot go unnoticed. But the idea that vigilance in this area could be presented not only as a cautionary exhortation, but as an affirmative worldview, as a recipe for a rich and meaningful existence, an “elixir of life”; this was innovative and invigorating. Thus, not only does the verse emphasize “turn from evil”, but equally, “do good; seek peace and pursue it” (On the exact reading of this verse, see Tosafot, Yevamot 109b, s.v atia.).


This positive emphasis carries a further message: not only can the ethic of speech be addressed in a life-affirming fashion, but perhaps it must be so; maybe the only successful approach in this realm is one that centers on the promise of a rich, optimistic life rather than a fearful existence of silence. Thus, the exemplar of the message is not a cloistered monk, but a gregarious talking salesman (See, along these lines, R. Avraham Shmuel Binyamin Sofer, Ketav Sofer to Lev., Parashat Metzora; R. Natan Gestetner, Lehorot Natan,loc. cit.; Mishkan Betzalel, ibid, pp. 103-111; and the approbation of R. Isser Zalman Meltzer to Ikarei Dinnim (Hominer). See also R. Asher Weiss, Minchat Asher, Lev. pp 478-479 and in BeYad HaLashon, pp. 307-310. See also R. Yechiel Libshitz, HaMidrash VeHaMa’aseh III, Metzora #1, who explains accordingly the difference between shmirah and netzirah.).


In fact, the salesman seems to be a deeply ironic choice. The word used to identify him – the “rokhel”  - describes the very same occupation the Torah uses to prohibit malicious speech: “You shall not travel as a rokhel among your nation (Lev. 19:16.)”.  There, the peddler is seen as representative of one who travels from place to place with his “wares”, those being the salacious tales he has gleaned about others.  Here, the peddler plays the opposite role, leading some major thinkers to conclude that he represents a penitent former gossip, infused with the zeal of the converted (This was the view of R. Tzadok HaKohen of Lublin). He is one who has been deeply affected by the corrupting effects of disparaging others and has come out on the other side, transformed and infused with a passionate appreciation for positivity and a desire to share that with others. This is, in effect, his penance – to serve as the apostle for elevated speech, to engage others in his new vision of what life can be like (For further analysis of this story, see also the discussions in R. Yosef Tzvi Dushinsky, Torat Maharitz, Lev., and R. Yaakov Kaminetsky, Emet LeYaakov, Parashat Metzora, as well as the interpretation of R. Baruch Meir Klein, Imrei Baruch to Metzora, and R. Yosef Ohayun, in the journal HaMaor, Kislev/Tevet 5773, p. 29, citing the work Yoshev Ohalim. See also R. Baruch Mordechai Ezrachi, Birkat Mordechai to Parashat Metzora). 


More than one hundred years ago, a humble yet revered Polish rabbi by the name of Yisrael (Israel) Meir Kagan (1838-1933) took up both the charge and the language of the mysterious peddler.  Rabbi Kagan published a volume, first issued in 1873, that revitalized the study of the Jewish laws of speech, taking his title from the phrase that the peddler emphasized: Chafetz Chaim, or “Desirer of Life”. In doing so, he placed the principles of careful speech at the forefront of the awareness of a broad section of the population, and sparked a movement that continues to grow to this day, inspiring Jews all over the world to devote their energies to “guarding their tongue” (for emphatic rabbinic endorsements of the study of this work in different generations, see Sdei Chemed, ma’arekhet halamed, klal 63, and Kreina D’Agrita, III, 846).


In this, he gave magnificent realization to the message of the peddler, which, according to some thinkers, was that the well-known and ancient precepts of speech needed to be actively brought to the attention of the public, and that doing so is the elixir of life to which the verse refers (see LeHorot Natan,ibid, and see also R. Yitzchak Arama, Akeidat Yitzchak, Lev., sha’ar 62.  See also the commentary of Maharzu to the Midrash Rabbah, loc. cit., who notes that the main lesson of the verse can be identified in the dramatic presentation: “who is the man who wants life?” rather than a more prosaic formulation such as “life can be attained through guarding one’s tongue”).

The Jewish prohibition against malicious gossip – known by the Hebrew phrase “lashon hara”, or “evil tongue”, is at once simple and complex, easy to observe and irresistibly difficult, intuitive and shocking, obvious and deeply mysterious.

The prohibition of lashon hara may have the distinction of being the quintessenial Jewish precept. Rooted firmly in the realm of interpersonal law, it is not a ritual statute, but is accessible to human understanding.  Yet, it builds on a somewhat non-intuitive element that places it just beyond the range of laws that society would be assumed to innovate, absent Divine command (in fact, the editor of BeYad HaLashon, pp. 291-293, suggests that the lesson that R. Yanai learned from the peddler is that the precepts of lashon hara are not self-evident, and require a knowledgeable teacher to convey).


Often rendered as “slander”, lashon hara, in contemporary usage, is generally exclusive of that term. Slander is a false allegation; in Jewish law that is termed “motzi shem ra”. Lashon hara, by contrast, disparages through true information. This is one area in which the novelty of the halakhah (Jewish law) manifests itself.  The wrongdoing of slander is self-evident, and thus the offense is subject to civil sanction, along with its written correlate, libel. However, in the realm of slander and libel, truth is an absolute defense. The notion that the item could be true, and yet still forbidden, is profoundly innovative. Granted, indulgence in gossip is unsavory; nonetheless, it is presumed that a divide exists between the nasty and the criminal.

It is here, then, that the halakhah makes a unique contribution.  An action perceived to be mean-spirited, but permissible, instead displays the interconnectedness between malice of thought and legislated prohibition. As such, Jewish law guides the individual toward an elevated perception of interpersonal sensitivity. Thus, there is as well a unique opportunity, in this subject matter: to unite elements of thought, attitude, and philosophy with deed and effect, all deeply and richly guided by the Torah and rabbinic literature, toward an integrated and effective personality. Perhaps this was the message of the peddler: amidst all the other rules and precepts of Jewish practice, here is an area where particular attention can yield the key to “life” (See Chiddushei HaRadal to Midrash Rabbah, loc. cit. 13, and compare R. Simcha Bunim Sofer, Sha’arei Simchah, Parashat Metzora, s.v. BiHaMedrash.).

There has been, over the past two centuries, objections raised against the Chafetz Chaim’s methodology, particularly regarding the risks inherent in converting principles that seem to be directed toward character into rules of practice, and, further, the codification of regulations in an area that involves highly variable situations with subjective interpretations and conflicting imperatives. However, it can be asserted that the Chafetz Chaim represents a crucial step in the communal discussion, establishing that this area, so often perceived as outside the arena of conventional halakhah, is in fact a deeply mandatory and regulated realm and is treated as such by the Torah, the Talmud, and great medieval halakhic codifiers such as Maimonides. Such awareness, however, need not ignore the complexities raised by the objectors. It may, though, necessitate a different approach of halakhic discussion: one that integrates an exploration of the theory of the concept; a consideration of the relevant psychological, sociological, and interpersonal realities; and a traditional analysis and survey of the legalistic material, in the hope of emerging with a refined sensitivity to the issues at hand. This, in turn, should result in a more ideal realization of the practical commandments of the Torah, and thus give further expression to the promise of King David, the mysterious peddler, and the Chafetz Chaim, for a better life.   


The Cost of Selective Outrage at Central Synagogue

Controversy erupted at Central Synagogue after the congregation's leadership offered only a belated, hedged response to Zohran Mamdani, the avowedly anti-Zionist mayoral candidate who had accused Israel of genocide, called it an apartheid state, and refused to condemn the slogan "Globalize the Intifada." As reported previously, Central's clergy, who had shown little reluctance to use the pulpit for progressive political causes, retreated behind the synagogue's 501(c)(3) status when the threat came from the left. Now, a longtime member has submitted a resignation letter, published here anonymously, that lays out in unsparing detail what that silence cost. The letter is a sweeping indictment of Central's leadership, arguing that the congregation has failed its members by treating antisemitism as a talking point rather than an emergency, and by extending moral clarity only in directions that carry no political risk.


April 6, 2026


To the Clergy and Board of Trustees of Central Synagogue –


I cannot in good conscious continue to support Central Synagogue financially with the payment of dues. So, it is with the deepest sorrow and extreme regret that I hereby resign from the congregation of Central Synagogue. Central has been a special place for me and my family. All three of my children became bar and bat mitzvah at Central. They all gained an appreciation and love for Judaism at Central’s religious school. Perhaps most importantly, the loving and uplifting services inspired them and drew them closer to the practice of Judaism. That is why I find it so painful to continue to watch the leadership of the congregation commit the most serious of shogeg despite all evidence to the contrary.


I have reached the point, however, where for the sake of my children, grandchildren, and our community, I can no longer allow myself to be complicit. The rising tide of antisemitism did not start on October 7th, 2023. It started many years before. After the terrorist attack of September 11th, educated people responded uniformly with a defense of freedom, democracy, and Western civilization. Twenty years later, after the savagery of October 7th, they responded with a defense of the horrific atrocity and, in many circles, with a celebration of it. What changed?


To some of us, the answer is obvious. The seeds of antisemitism had been planted years ago, often with the help or at least indifference of Jews, and the roots have grown deeper and deeper into our institutions. Those seeds have been fertilized with virtuous sounding rhetoric, and with each graduating class the harvest grows larger and larger. The only surprise in the post-October 7th world, was that President Biden, the senescent old guard, after waffling, did not abandon Israel.


I have watched in vain as the slow motion trainwreck has played out before my eyes, feeling, like many others, hopeless and powerless to slow it. Our clergy, like the proverbial frog in the boiling pot, have failed to perceive the steady poisoning of our educational system and a major political party which has now become toxic. For that reason, I believe that much of the American Jewish leadership has failed us. The reform movement has most certainly failed us. Central, as the flag-bearer of the reform community, has failed us. Many of our politicians, especially Jewish ones, have failed us. The German reform rabbis in the early 1930’s were so blinded by their belief that they were German, good Germans, that they did not recognize that their nation had turned against them. Many urged patience and compliance, advising their congregation to remain in Germany because the actions of the Nazi’s were so antithetical to what they believed were German values that it was only a matter of time until reason prevailed. Rabbi Leo Baeck even protested the exclusion of Jews in the 1935 German general conscription because the duty of being in the army means the right to be a German soldier, and the reform Jews saw themselves as loyal Germans. History has now repeated itself here in the US and in our hometown of New York City.


I have written to the clergy previously, urging a more prominent role in fighting the forces that have led us to this moment and pointed to a speech by Bari Weiss given at the Federalist Society as one that really illuminated the rising institutionalized threat against Jews. What I received as a response from Rabbi Buchdahl was an email pointing to an article in the Atlantic by Franklin Foer that, unwittingly, captures the delusional partisan bias that has been ingrained in too many American Jews. In trying to reconcile the undeniable virulent antisemitism that has erupted all across the left, from political parties (Democrats), to movements (Progressive, Gay-rights, Black Lives), to institutions (blue state universities), to media sources (NY Times, CNN), he instinctually creates a moral equivalency between the left and the right to avoid shattering his guiding narrative. The problem is that no such duality exists outside of his imagination. As Foer correctly points out, Jews have enjoyed a long stretch of freedom and safety in America until this latest rise in hostility, which has unquestionably only come from one source. That is not to say that antisemitism has never existed on the right, or that it does not exist there today, or even that it will not exist in greater force in the future. But as Foer admits, it has, and currently still is, remained on the fringe as fodder for talk shows and op-ed pieces, but otherwise invisible in lives of those in our community. The far-right antisemitism has not been institutionalized. Moreover, when it has popped up on the fringe in the form of lunatic podcast personalities, it has been rightfully shunned by the mainstream party and we, as Jews, have quickly called out anyone who allowed themselves to be associated with it. Whereas the antisemitism on the left is not on the fringe and has either been embraced or at best ignored universally by the leadership. Worse yet, for reasons involving deeply embedded biases, Jewish leadership has failed to hold public figures accountable for their support or tolerance of such egregious ideologies.


Even sermons at Central have tried to equate the fear of rising antisemitism (which presumably is from the left) with a fear of losing rights (presumably from the right). The fallacy with that is that the former fear is objectively real and easy to measure. And more importantly, it should be the focus of our community leadership as it is an issue for all of us and our families. The latter fear is at best a subjective one and at worst an imagined one that serves to help rationalize when democracy does not go your way. One is very much the responsibility of Jewish leaders to address, including those in our community. The other is for political debate to be decided in succeeding elections and has nothing to do with being Jewish.


Unfortunately, Foer is not alone in his biased-induced blindness, as similar projected narratives echo across our community and our congregation. Using some form of twisted logic that is hard to follow, somehow there are those that try and tie the election of President Trump, the unequivocally most pro-Isreal and pro-Jewish president in American history by any objective measure, to Jewish kids being accosted across college campuses. Like the reform rabbis of 1930’s Germany, they are unable to comprehend that their self-identifying movement have turned against them. Even worse in this case, that the policies and values that they fought for have enabled the hatred now being directed at their children and grandchildren. While history clearly teaches us that dividing society by race, religion, or any other identity has NEVER worked out for the Jews in the long run, they continue to look for some other explanation that better fits what they want to believe.


We have reached a tipping point whereby being silent is being complicit and the silence from the clergy of Central has become too loud to ignore. When our children were hiding in library closets to avoid angry mobs looking for Jews on campus, where was Central? When our children were attending NAIS conferences and being subjected to speakers encouraging violence against them, where was Central? When our schools adopted curriculum teaching that Israel was an invader or apartheid state, where was Central? When a major political party allows prominent members to promote the destruction of Israel without consequences, where was Central? While current administration has been trying to root out antisemitism that has grown unchecked in our universities, where was Central? We have long passed the point when joining the chorus of those paying lip service to antisemitism can be said to be of any value. Without demands for consequences and accountability, empty condemnations are counterproductive, and too many of our loved ones have been left to fend for themselves without calls for accountability. I for one, have mailed my Columbia Law School and Business School diplomas back, as I believe Columbia is a failed institution. I have repeatedly called out the Dean of the Law School for his many ideological failings and have mourned the loss of what was once a great institution of learning.


Recent events have become too much to ignore. I cannot teach my children to be proud to be Jewish, to stand up for what is right, and to treat everyone with respect while tacitly supporting the antithesis by remaining a member of Central. After the death of George [Floyd], a drug addict and criminal whose life contributed nothing positive to society, I was flooded with e-mails discussing his death, which regardless of his character in life, was certainly tragic and regrettable even if not intentional. During the riots that followed, when the hard work of innocent families was destroyed, looting was widespread, and antisemitic movements like BLM came into power, Central continued to send emails urging the congregation to put the crime and destruction “in context.” Central even went so far as to recommend books by antisemites who now support the destruction of Israel to help gain that “context.” Whereas, after the assignation of Charlie Kirk in cold blood, in front of his wife and young children, which was the most significant act of political violence since the murder of Martin Luther King, there was silence. Loud silence. Charlie Kirk was a devoted family man who preached nonviolence and free speech as the cornerstones of democracy. He welcomed competing viewpoints and modeled how to address them, with spirited debate, not bullets or intimidation. While he was not Jewish, but he kept the Sabbath and was, perhaps, the single greatest defender of Israel and Jewish people to set foot on a college campus in decades, perhaps ever. That omission is not only offensive, but racist and antisemitic. It goes against everything I have taught my children about free speech, democracy, respect, and courage. I could only explain such disparate treatment to them as an example of intolerance for differing views and a complete and utter lack of moral conviction.


While the clergy continues to pay lip service to its support of Zionism, its actions, or lack of action, undermine the very notion. Their lack of real conviction and continued soft pedaling of the forces that have aligned against us and Isreal, only serves to compound the strength of those who seek our destruction. This is seen throughout Central, including the prayers said in synagogue – whereas the prayer for Isreal we used to recite asked G-d to: “Strengthen the hands of those who defend our Holy Land. Deliver them; crown their efforts with triumph,” now we ask G-d to “Give strength to the injured…and Grant wisdom and vision to the leaders of the region [not Israel]…and to Grant strength and shelter to [the] displaced in [Israel] and Gaza.” Central has also continued to invite guest speakers who have been associated with anti-Zionist, antisemitic, and racist organizations and policies.


While claiming to be apolitical, Central very strongly promoted an antisemitism speech given by Chuck Schumer and even arranged for him to speak to the congregation. If there has been a more feckless defender of Jewish rights in either national party, I am not aware of them. Like Central, his speech gives lip service to the antisemitism rising across campuses and the nation – yet where was he when the Trump administration as actually fighting to root out institutional antisemitism and racism within our educational system? As the leader of his party, where does he condemn AOC and others who call for an end of aid and military sales to Israel? Where was his challenge of the long list of antisemitic acts and statements of the mayor of his hometown during the election? Schumer is not a real defender of Zionism, he is a political animal too blinded by partisan politics to be anything other than a tool. Meanwhile, there have been more than twice the number of Republican speeches/op-eds delivered on the national stage all by politicians who unequivocally support the defense of Israel and condemn AOC, Mamdani, and all other politicians who try to undermine Israel or Jews, including those on the fringe of their own party. Whereas beyond Chuck, the handful of other Democrats who spoke to rising antisemitism on the national stage, all also supported restrictions on aid to Israel, and none had an issue with the various anti sematic/Zionist statements that have come out of their colleagues in “the squad.” And yet the Clergy would strongly argue that they are nonpartisan and not guided in their conversations with the congregation by politics. But has the Clergy reached out to local politicians who not only have spoken on the floor about antisemitism, but have taken real action to hold schools accountable, support aid to Israel, and called out those who have shown their hostility towards Jews? Like Representative Lawler, Representative Stefanik, or Representative Smith? Or national champions of Zionism like Nikki Haley, Senator John Cornyn, Senator Katie Britt, Senator John Kennedy, Mike Huckabee, [Marco] Rubio…the list goes on and on. These are actually truly committed supporters of Israel and the Jewish people, not mealy-mouthed politicians like Schumer or Nadler who now kowtow to the strong anti-Zionist segment of their party for fear of risking their political careers.


But, despite all this, it was the notification sent out by Central claiming that it was unable to comment on the mayoral election for fear of losing it’s 501(c) status that convinced me that I could no longer remain silent and passively accept such behavior. The cowardice evidence by such an email was matched only by its absurdity. With a proud antisemite and anti-Zionist on the verge of becoming mayor of our city at a time when it has been open season on Jews even under a sympathetic mayor, Central chose to fold like Vichy France. To hide behind the 501(c) status as a reason for not being able to comment on the risk to Jews posed by one particular candidate is as insulting as it is embarrassing. The excuse that the silence from Central is from fear of the IRS, given the current administration, which was more likely to give Central a federal grant to oppose Mamdani than anything else, is surreal. The idea that in a congregation of over 3,000 households or around 7,000-9,000+ Jews, there is not a lawyer or accountant capable of guiding our clergy on how to voice concern over the danger we face when our city is being run by a mayor who will not recognize Israel as a Jewish state is preposterous, if not statistically impossible.


The fact is that the combination of the IRS recently clarifying that clergy can comment on elections and candidates during a sermon to their congregation together with the chances that the IRS would look to limit that exception by challenging an influential rabbi pointing out the danger of someone like Mamdani under our current administration was literally zero. Local clergy from conservative congregations like Park Avenue to reform ones from Stephen Wise, found the courage to lead, and not follow, their communities. There were an endless number of ways that Central could have made the point that voting for anyone who held such antisemitic views was a danger to us all.


Ironically, what compounded the damage from this unforgivable silence during the election was Rabbi Buchdahl’s last minute “mea culpa” made in a surprise return sermon. While I initially appreciated what I thought was perhaps an acknowledgement, the first that I was aware of, that the time had come for some unbiased leadership based on the health and safety of our community, that goodwill was quickly undone when the sermon evolved to include “listening to,” and therefore legitimizing, the views of students she met with on the reasons for their Mamdani support. In that non-sequitur acknowledgment, once again Rabbi Buchdahl gave into her political biases and accepted ideas that aligned with a subconscious narrative rather than showing leadership and debunking such fiction with facts and logic.


The Talmud teaches us that leaders are especially accountable to speak out against dangerous rhetoric or incitement when their voices can help: “Whoever can protest the conduct of their household and does not is held responsible for the household; of their townspeople—responsible for the town; of the whole world—responsible for the whole world.” We as Jews are commanded to look out for each other and to speak up when members of the community are doing wrong, lest we share the blame for remaining silent: “All Israel are responsible for one another.” Make no mistake, there is war underway that threatens our very survival. Not the war in Gaza, that one I have every confidence will be won and it was never an existential threat. It’s the war being fought against the Jews in the wider West, on campuses, in the media, and increasingly in mainstream politics, that we must fear, and sadly, that one we are currently losing.


Those who do not speak out will have the blood of our families on their hands, and there will almost certainly be blood. If you think that the recent events of violence are about, the inhabitants of Gaza, the prime minister of Israel, or settlements, or some other red herring, you are naive. War will end, the antisemitism will not. When violence erupts and we have a mayor who generally does not believe in the police and clearly does not believe in Israel’s right to exist, who do you think will defend us? If the leader of our city sees nothing wrong with calls to globalize the anti-fada nor demands for Palestine to be free “from the river to the sea,” are our children safe? As each graduating class is increasingly against the right of Israel to exist and believes in its elimination in the name of “social justice,” what do you think happens?


Generals “always prepare to fight the last war, especially if they won it.” (French Prime Minister Clemenceau) Past generations of Jews have been guided by Jewish values and played important roles in fighting to get the underrepresented and disadvantaged a seat at the table. That fight was generally against the entrenched southern establishment and white male dominated social systems. The institutions they created, the forces they fought against, even the country as a whole, have all evolved since that time, but many “Jewish Generals” continue to tilt against past ghosts unable to see that the soldiers and battlefields have changed. Like Dr. Frankenstein’s Creature or the Golam of Prague, however, much of what they created has turned against the creator. Social Justice warriors do not want a seat, they want retribution, and it turns out the Jews are not faring well in the Oppression Olympics, putting them where they almost always end up when society starts handing out labels, directly in the line of fire. Until the training grounds for the identity-politics crusaders are shut down, Jews will remain on the front lines.


The majority of democrats already favor Hamas, a terrorist organization, over Israel. The party continues to include and increasingly cede power to those democratic politicians who would cut off all aid to Israel. They are steeped in a culture of identity politics, intersectionality, and victimhood, none of which bodes well for Jews. They see the world in terms of oppressor and oppressed, indigenous and invader, successful and not, all divisions that will result in Israel being on the short end of their narrative. The current administration is the most pro-Israel one in American history, but that will soon change. That we will eventually have an administration that favors severing ties with Israel and siding with most of the UN in condemning its existence is now close to a mathematical certainty. When that day comes, I want to be able to tell my children and grandchildren all that I did to try and stop it.


How can I teach my children the importance of standing up for your family and your community as Jews when I remain silent while watching our clergy remaining complicit as the threats to us grow increasingly louder? A big tent congregation is a mitzvah, and a very Jewish one as hachnasat orchim is a very Jewish value. But when the person who seeks to destroy you tries to enter the tent, the law of din rodef applies as we should “not stand idly by the blood of your brother.” So, this resignation is my hocheach tochiach, so that I do not bear the same sin. There is no neutral ground in this fight. If you are not with us, you are against us. The silence from Jewish leaders as antisemitism is increasingly institutionalized in our schools, promoted in biased media, and ignored by our politicians, is a tacit approval, and I do not find that acceptable.


Nothing would make me happier than to return to Central and once again participate in its loving celebration of our tradition. “You must surely rebuke…giving tochecha is not a suggestion, it is a command. Tochecha is an act of love…it’s not about pushing someone away; it’s about drawing them close…like holding up a mirror so they can see evidence of how they fell short.” (A. Buchdahl Yom Kippur sermon 5786) But until Central joins the fight to stop antisemitism at its core, I cannot, in good conscious, be a part of that denial. I pray that the leadership of Central come to realize that there is a big difference between being inclusive and being irresponsible.


I wish all of you and your families peace in their lifetimes.


Bekhavod Rav


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Rabbi Angela Buchdahl’s October letter defending Central Synagogue’s so-called policy of political neutrality reads as if it were written for another institution entirely. In her message to congregants, she warned that “the separation of church and state has been a bedrock principle of American democracy,” insisting that turning synagogues into “partisan campaign stops” would be “dangerous for our democracy and for the state of our Judaism.” She framed Central as “a sacred space for prayer, learning, and connection among Jews of all backgrounds.” But the record of her own clergy, and of Buchdahl herself, tells a different story—one of sustained political engagement thinly veiled as moral guidance.


As documented in my earlier piece, Central Synagogue Rabbi Accuses Trump Admin of ‘A Cruel and Pervasive Disregard for Human Life’, Central’s Director of Social Justice Organizing, Rabbi Hilly Haber, used the pulpit to condemn the previous administration in language that could have been lifted from a campaign speech. She described standing “in a federal immigration court as ‘armed and masked ICE agents quietly began to line the hallways.’ One by one,” she said, “immigrants were handcuffed and whisked away in seconds.” Rabbi Haber called the Trump administration’s immigration policies “an assault on the very principles on which our country was founded,” condemning what she described as “a cruel and pervasive disregard for human life.” She then “urged congregants to support progressive legislation such as the New York for All Act and the Access to Representation Act.”


At most Reform synagogues, such remarks would barely raise an eyebrow. At Central, they expose a double standard. When Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani—now running for mayor—accused Israel of “genocide,” labeled it an “apartheid state,” and refused to condemn the slogan “Globalize the Intifada,” Senior Rabbi Angela Buchdahl said nothing. Mamdani also declared that if elected mayor, he would have Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu arrested upon entering New York. Only after mounting backlash, she reminded congregants that Central “does not endorse or oppose political candidates.” It was a rule conveniently applied when the target stood on the political left.


That rule does not appear to have applied when Buchdahl herself signed political petitions. She is listed among hundreds of signatories on T’ruah and J Street’s Jewish Clergy Letter Against Anti-BDS Legislation, which urges lawmakers to “defend the free speech of all Americans by opposing any efforts to pass legislation penalizing supporters of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.” The letter declares that such laws “undermine a core principle of American democracy” and “do nothing to protect the State of Israel.” Its signatories include “Rabbi Angela Buchdahl, New York, NY.”


She also joined T’ruah’s 2022 letter to the Israeli ambassador, 250+ Rabbis and Cantors to the Israeli Ambassador: Stop Settler Violence, which opened with the statement, “We have seen an alarming increase in frequent and violent attacks on Palestinians by settlers,” and called on the Israeli government to “swiftly arrest and charge the perpetrators of these attacks” and “dismantle outposts that are illegal even according to Israeli law.” The letter described certain incidents as “a pogrom” and again listed “Rabbi Angela Buchdahl – New York, NY.”


Meanwhile, Central’s own Policy on Institutional Voice, adopted August 20, 2025, states unequivocally: “We do not endorse candidates or parties. Our role is not to enter political campaigns or to endorse or speak out against candidates, but to provide moral and spiritual clarity on important public issues.” It adds that the synagogue “will generally refrain from issuing public statements unless the matter directly implicates our core values or mission,” and warns that “too many exceptions potentially undermine our commitment to those values inherent in this policy and may alienate members across the political spectrum.”


That principle has never been applied evenly. Central’s clergy have repeatedly used their pulpits to advance causes aligned with the political left—denouncing “white supremacy” in policing, promoting Black Lives Matter, and treating gender ideology as a sacred moral truth—yet invoke neutrality only when progressive politicians attack Israel or the Jewish people. The congregation that once called immigration enforcement “a cruel and pervasive disregard for human life” now insists that even acknowledging an anti-Israel mayoral candidate would breach the synagogue’s mission.


This is not integrity; it is a revolving-door morality. Rabbi Buchdahl has written to Congress about American free-speech law, signed letters to the Israeli government about settlement policy, and presided over sermons that equate partisan activism with Jewish faith. To claim, after all that, that Central cannot “endorse or oppose” a political candidate is to mistake cowardice for principle.


Angela Buchdahl is entitled to her opinions, but not to pretend she has none. A synagogue that has condemned ICE, praised Black Lives Matter, and accused a sitting president of “a cruel and pervasive disregard for human life” cannot hide behind the language of neutrality when progressive allies cross the line. What Central practices is not political restraint but selective outrage—moral courage that speaks only when it is safe to do so.